Before beginning the findings of my research on the Roma, I would like to state a few areas of concern. First, I am not a Roma myself, so the information presented isn’t meant to be taken as an absolute truth. Nor can I claim that such an absolute truth even exists. I can only claim that I have presented the information that I found in an accurate manner. I cannot claim that everyone (including Roma themselves) would say they agree with all of the things that are written here. The reason that I say this is because of the way in which most Roma view us and our portrayal of them. They, because of their past and the way that they have been treated, have a skeptical view about any non-Roma (gaje) and, therefore, seldom divulge important aspects of their lives to us. This becomes obvious in the literature that is available on them. With very few exceptions, Roma literature is written exclusively by other Roma and, therefore, is not very prevalent, let alone accessible to non-Roma.

Another area of concern is the nature of the Roma in places outside of Eastern Europe. Within Eastern Europe, the Roma have a sense of community that is recognized by others. Others around them know that they are Roma and they don’t (for the most part) try to hide their identity despite the fact that they have been persecuted since their arrival almost one thousand years ago. Outside of this area, in places such as the United States, Canada, and even England, the Roma try very hard to blend in and not be recognized as Roma. The reasons for this will be addressed later, so I will hold off for now. The result of this type of behavior is that it is very hard to obtain accurate statistics on the Roma in these nations. It is equally as hard to obtain any sort of living conditions and accurate portrayals of how they live. I mention this because I realize that I am trying to portray who the Roma are in an accurate manner with only limited resources. Keep this in mind when doing the following reading.

The final area that I would like to address is the idea of the Roma being one homogenous group of people throughout the world. This is certainly not the case. The Roma have broken off from their original migrating group back in Europe around the fifteenth century. This division has made groups with some very different cultural beliefs and customs. In fact, Roma throughout the world have distinct ways of being referred to, which distinguish them from other, separate groups. For instance, some of these different groups are known as the Vlach Roma, Romanichal, Bayash Roma, and the Sinti. Despite these differences from one distinct group to another, the Roma do share commonalities that allow them to refer to themselves as simply Roma. This is the way that I will view, and refer to them throughout this paper. By referring to the Roma in this manner, my intention is not to diminish their distinct group identities. It is, instead, to show what they do all have in common and to use these commonalities to prove my case for them as a diaspora.

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2 What is a Diaspora?

Diaspora is a very abstract term that, because of this abstract nature, attracts a variety of different definitions. Some definitions equate it exclusively with the case of the Jews and their dispersal outside of Palestine. Others are far too general with their notion of “the breaking up and scattering of a people” (19). Still others, like William Safran, develop definitions that are detailed to the point of excluding groups of people that probably should fit under the heading of diaspora. Safran claims that these specific conditions need to be filled in order for a group of people to be able to define themselves as a “true” diaspora.

1) they, or their ancestors, have been dispersed from a specific original “center” to two or more “peripheral” or foreign regions.

2) they retain a collective memory, vision, or myth about their original homeland- its physical location, history, and achievements.

3) they believe that they are not-and perhaps cannot be-fully accepted by their host society and therefore feel partly alienated and insulated from it.

4) they regard their ancestral homeland as their true, ideal home and as the place to which they or their descendants would (or should) eventually return-when conditions are appropriate.

5) they believe that they should, collectively, be committed to the maintenance or restoration of their original homeland and to its safety and prosperity.

6) they continue to relate, personally or vicariously, to that homeland in one way or another, and their ethno communal consciousness and solidarity are importantly defined by the existence of such a relationship (27).

I believe it is necessary to note these different definitions because it shows just how much room there is for interpretation when it comes to what makes a diaspora. One of the points that is mentioned by Safran in his article “Diaspora in Modern Societies: Myths of Homeland and Return” is the idea of a homeland (27). As a matter of fact, it permeates through almost all of his conditions This central theme of the homeland is probably the most prevalent one when deciding on whether or not a specific group of people constitute a true diaspora. If this were true, the Roma would not qualify. I argue that they are a diaspora, although not in the same way that other groups of people are.

The Roma do not have a recognized homeland with which to satisfy four out of the five criteria of Safran’s that include it. They are a group of people that have been nomadic ever since they migrated out of northern India twelve or thirteen hundred years ago. Some of these reasons for their nomadism may have stemmed from their way of life while back in India, some may be cultural, and some may have been as a result of their constant persecution once they arrived in Europe. Whatever the reason for this nomadic way of life, the Roma have grown accustomed to it and never chose to settle down in just one area. This lack of permanent settlement has meant that they don’t have a sense of homeland among their population.

This lack of homeland doesn’t necessarily mean that the Roma can’t have a sense of identity and, hence, can’t be considered a diaspora. In my mind, there is much more that goes into being considered a population with a common identity. Many things can make up for the lack of homeland or for lack of imagined homeland that the Roma also don’t have. It is not necessary to have a place to long to return to. It is only necessary to have common roots and at least one thing that is strong enough to provide all members of the population with a sense of identifying with the others. It doesn’t have to be tangible, it only has to be effective in order to allow the population to feel a sense of an “imagined community” (1).

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3 Thesis:

For the Roma, I argue that this sense of identity comes from a shared feeling of persecution and the resulting alienation that goes along with it. This feeling of alienation is a common thread that weaves through their entire history going back to their origins in India. In India, the Roma were know as the Dom and were considered to be the lowest level in the entire caste system (16). This meant that all others constantly took advantage of them, which helped to create two dominant characteristics still with them today. One is the powerful sense of family that supersedes all other aspects of daily life, and the other is this sense of alienation from all others not like themselves.

Upon arriving in Europe, the Roma were constantly persecuted, enslaved (within Romania) and pushed aside to deepen this collective sense of alienation that had been instilled back in India (4). Throughout their entire history in Europe, as well as in their experiences in countries outside of Europe, the Roma have been exposed to one incidence after another to make this sense of identity even stronger. While their persecutors may have thought that this sort of treatment would eventually break the Roma down and force them into total assimilation, this loss of identity never came to be. Not even the 200,000-500,000 deaths in Nazi Germany could totally break the spirit of the Roma people (2).

Even at the present time, there are incidences in Kosovo (22), Greece (14), and Czech Republic illustrating the continuing persecution and violence towards the Roma people. I mention this to show that, in addition to the memories of persecution, the Roma have current examples to help reinforce this collective sense of being abused and alienated. This is crucial to demonstrating the strength of my argument for the Roma being a true diaspora.

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4 Roma History:

Since I alluded to some of the Roma history earlier, and since I believe that understanding one’s history is essential to fully understanding the people themselves, I will now give a brief account of the history of the Roma people. The Roma history can be traced all the way back to the northwestern corner of India about the eleventh or twelfth century. While still in India, the Roma were identified by the name Dom, which meant man (16). This term “Dom” eventually morphed into “Rom” over time, and is still used to this day by the Roma as the way in which they prefer to be referred to.

While the Roma were in India, they made up the bottom layer of the Indian caste system, which led others to treat them as inferiors. During this time, they may have developed the beginning of what has come to be the driving force behind their sense of identity; the common feeling of persecution and alienation. Whether or not this sense of alienation developed as far back as India is still being debated, but based on the conditions at the time it is hard to believe that it had no effect at all. What unquestionably did develop, though, was the powerful sense of family that is still with the Roma today. The Roma, because they have constantly had to depend solely on themselves for support, developed a deep sense of family that seems to supersede all other aspects of life. This idea will become even more relevant later on when I discuss their migration habits.

Around the eleventh or twelfth century, invaders from the north forced the Roma off the land they were occupying and out of the country (17). At this point, the Roma were a very close-knit community with a strong set of shared values and beliefs. As the vast majority of Roma migrated northwest, they encountered many different people and cultures along the way. During this migration process, which took anywhere from three hundred to five hundred years, the Roma culture adopted many words and beliefs from the people they encountered along the way. This is evident in some of the words that still appear in the Roma languages today (17). This process of migration from India to their eventual destination in the Balkan states around the fifteenth century, was very influential in molding the Roma culture that we still see in their population today.

4.1 Waves of Migration

Before going any further, I would like to make the point that this migration process wasn’t as simple as I made it out to be with all of the Roma people leaving India and ending up in Eastern Europe. A small percentage of Roma people migrated south after the invaders arrived and ended up in different areas of west, central Asia. Another portion of the original migrants split off from the group as they were heading north. These people (a large amount as it turns out) are still occupying regions of the Middle East, as well as other areas. My purpose for pointing this out is to illustrate that the Roma had no real destination in mind when they originally left India over a thousand years ago. They were just forced to leave and were seeking a better, safer place to inhabit.

4.1.1 First wave (out of the Balkans)

Around the fifteenth century, when the large group of Roma reached what are now the Balkan states, they began their first large wave of migration across the European continent. Part of the reason for this wave was the unpleasant nature of their reception by Europeans. The Roma looked vastly different than the people occupying Europe at the time and, because of this, faced severe persecution and torture. The Roma, at the time of their arrival, looked similar to other non-European groups such as the Turks or Egyptians. As a matter of fact, Europeans originally referred to them as Egyptians, which eventually turned into “Gyptians”, and finally “Gypsies”(10). This term, which the Roma thought to be derogatory, stuck with them for centuries until recently when the Roma started to be recognized as something more than just a band of thieves and wanderers.

This first wave of migration across Europe is probably the most significant one because of the effects it had on them as a homogenous group. Upon arriving, the Roma were a fairly homogenous group of people that shared a common set of beliefs and values, along with a common Romani language. This wave broke the Roma into several different groups of people, each of which traveled separately to all parts of Europe. These different groups all developed their own distinct set of beliefs to go along with the common ones that they held onto from the original group they arrived with. This separation set the stage for the different subsets of Roma like the Sinti, Romanichal, and Vlach mentioned previously.

Another reason this wave was significant was because it strengthened this common feeling of persecution and alienation that the Roma depend on for their sense of identity. All across Europe, the Roma were treated horribly. They were not accepted, not welcomed, and forced out in almost every area they tried to occupy. Some places, such as Germany, would allow them to be hunted down and killed for sport (9). In 1826, for example, Freiherr von Lenchen displayed his trophies; the severed heads of a gypsy woman and her child, publicly (12). The Roma that remained in Eastern Europe were subjected to the same sort of treatment with the exception of Romania where they were treated in a slightly different manner. In Romania, where the largest concentration of Roma resided (29), from the time they arrived until the middle of the nineteenth century, the Roma were enslaved and forced to work without any rights at all; this was very similar to the way blacks were treated throughout the new world.

During this wave, Roma were also being expelled from nations such as Spain, Portugal, and France and being shipped to the Americas where they were simply dropped off to fend for themselves (11). At this time (during 15^th and 16^th century) is was a common practice within the Western European nations for the king to enact “anti-gypsy” laws. In 1661, Roma from Great Britain were arriving in Virginia because of England and Scotland’s “wholesale deportation” of their unwanted populations (8). After America declared its independence, the British undesirables were no longer allowed to be dumped off in the former thirteen colonies and had to be redirected to Australia instead.

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4.1.2 Second Wave (Slavery ended)

The next wave of migration, although not as significant as the first, did see a vast amount of Roma movement throughout Europe, as well as outside of the continent. This wave began in the middle of the nineteenth century when Romania decided to abolish Roma slavery and allow them to be free (24). This event set in motion a large flow of Roma out of Romania to seek a better life elsewhere. The conditions within Romania were so bad for the Roma and the fear of reenslavement so prevalent that they didn’t have any destination in mind when they left. They just wanted to leave and forget about the history they had in that nation.

This wave of migration continued for over a half a century and didn’t stop until the World Wars started in Europe. The Roma, like I stated earlier were just content to end up anywhere outside of Romania. They flooded into Germany, Sweden, Greece, Italy, and England, as well as the neighboring Eastern European nations. Although they had escaped from Romania, the Roma didn’t find the conditions to be much better in the host countries they chose to leave for. They were still subject to severe discrimination and persecution such as the Czechoslovakia’s 1927 law banning nomadism, Sweden’s 1934 sterilization law, and the German Holocaust (23).

This wave of migration also saw the Roma take advantage of the “open door” policy of the United States around the turn of the century (8). Roma from Hungry and Czechoslovakia both arrived to try and make a new life for themselves. England’s horrible conditions also forced Roma to flee from their country. Although Roma were arriving from many different nations in Europe, the vast majority were coming directly from Romania to escape the slavery that they had been forced upon them for hundreds of years.

At this time, the Roma were allowed into the United States without being recognized as “gypsies”. They came in small enough family units to not be noticed and passed themselves off as Czechs, Hungarians, or as a member of some other European nation. This lasted until 1885 when the United States Immigration Department changed its policies towards suspected “gypsies” and stopped allowing them across the border. This came as a result of a deep-seeded bias within Europe against “gypsies” that finally reached the United States (13). These “anti-gypsy” policies lasted long after policies against other minority groups (like the Chinese) were repealed (8). Even though these policies were in place, the Roma kept trying to get by without being noticed. Most of them, though, decided it would just be easier to enter through Canada and Mexico.

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4.1.3 Third Wave (After communism fell)

The final wave of migration for the Roma came after the fall of communism around 1990. During the time from the end of World War II until 1990, the Eastern European countries were under communist rule. This meant that the borders of nations such as Hungry, Romania, Czechoslovakia, and others were closed to anyone entering or leaving. Once these nations came under the communist rule, the Roma were stuck in whatever nation that they happened to be in at the time. They were not free to leave or free to continue their nomadic lifestyle. They were forced, like the rest of the population, to settle down and work for the state.

This sort of lifestyle had its good and bad sides for the Roma. The bad side was that they were no longer able to continue the nomadic lifestyle that they had been used to since their arrival. They were forced into jobs that they a) weren’t familiar with and b) they didn’t want in the first place. The Roma also have other reasons besides their distrust for the “gaje” that made them weary of working side by side with them. They believe that all “gaje” are impure and, therefore, don’t want to be in close quarters with them because of the risk of becoming impure themselves (30).

On the other hand, though, the Roma did benefit in a couple of ways. They were, because all people are treated equally under communist rule, given jobs to support themselves and access to the educational system (25). These were things that weren’t the case before the communist regime took control of the Eastern European nations.

After the fall of communism in 1990, the Roma found themselves right back in the same situation they were in before. They were again treated like outsiders by the nation that they resided in. Although they were still discriminated against under communist rule, it wasn‘t as harsh as the conditions that they were used to. Once these nations were allowed to govern themselves again, the Roma felt the same wrath they had felt before. They were not allowed to work and the education that they were able to get under communism wasn’t even an option any longer.

This sudden change back to the way things were forced the Roma to, again, leave and look for brighter pastures elsewhere. This time, things were a little different than the last time they decided to leave. There weren’t any solid places to run to like there had been in the past. The United States no longer had an “open door” policy that allowed anyone and everyone in (8). England and Canada started to close the borders when they feared large numbers would eventually flow in and Australia was just too far away to consider a viable option. This left the Roma a little frustrated, a little beleaguered, and in the same sort of position they were in when they arrived so long ago. They eventually started to occupy other Eastern European nations (including the former Yugoslavia) and Russia.

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5 Migration:

The Roma, because of external factors as well as internal ones, demonstrate habits that are a little different than most what most migrating groups do. Perhaps the biggest influence on the Roma lifestyle is their emphasis on the social unit, especially the family (30). This emphasis permeates into all other aspects of their life. It influences daily habits, health and well-being habits, and migratory habits. The most obvious way this influence is demonstrated in migratory habits is in their tendency to move around in these social units. When they migrate within a particular nation, they do so in social units. When they move from one nation to another, they also do so in social units.

These units can as large as a community (comprised of several families) or as small as a single family. This condition is never compromised for the Roma because for them the only thing worse than social isolation is death (30). This means that when they move from one nation to another, whatever the reason is, they are in a group. This is contrary to most other groups of people who migrate (especially other minorities) in that other groups tend to send one person (usually male) to go and feel out the situation first. This way, they can either remit money to the family back home, or save up enough to make the situation in the host country acceptable for the whole family to join.

The Roma would never consider such an option. This makes it harder for them to leave since traveling across borders in a group is harder and more expensive than alone.

The Roma are also more prone to enter a situation where there is some sense of family connection already settled down. Since they have always been persecuted and treated as an outsider, it is easier to blend into an area where they already know someone else. This, again, makes the migration process for them more difficult because of the limited connections they keep across borders.

In addition to the internal factors at play against the Roma migration, they also have to deal with the constant fear of persecution and non-acceptance of the host nation that they try and leave for. They have been on the outside (socially) ever since they have arrived in Europe (and even before in India) so this is another thing the Roma have to keep in mind when leaving. This sort of attitude towards them makes it hard to gain access into a country that is farther away like Canada and the United States. Throughout most of their history, the Roma have tried to hide their “gypsy” identity in order to be allowed in. Although this isn’t as much the case today, the Roma do still face this situation.

The lack of a national identity for the Roma also inhibits the process of relocating in a different nation. If, for example, the Roma were coming into another nation seeking asylum, they would not only have to prove citizenship from the nation they were fleeing, they would also have to prove their Roma status. This is difficult since there is no official documentation for this purpose. A situation like this makes it easier for nations to implement policies against allowing Roma in, which has been done numerous times in the past. This is illustrated by the reinstatement of visa requirements in Canada in 1997 after the large influx of Roma refugees came over from the Czech Republic (32).

In terms of micro and macro level factors, the Roma can be summed up quite easily. The only visible micro-level factor that plays a role in Roma migration is the family. If they are fortunate enough to have connections in other nations, the Roma will take advantage of them especially if they are in nations far away, such as the United States and Canada. Since the Roma don't seem to have a vast network of connections throughout the world, this doesn't seem to be a very prevalent factor in their migration.

On the macro-level, the Roma have to be concerned with the policies of the host nations that they are tying to enter. This is frustrating to them because they are seemingly powerless when it comes to whether or not they will be allowed in. Since they don't have a nation of their own, they don't have any powerful entity on their side to negotiate like the migrants from established nations may have. The Roma also have to be weary of the negative image of them that is being perpetuated on a large scale throughout the world, which can influence prospective host nations.

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6 Roma Experiences:

In this next section I will attempt to shed light on the conditions that the Roma have faced in different areas that they have occupied. This comparison is meant to show some of the differences between their experiences, while at the same time, highlighting some of the similarities that exist. By making this comparison between the different host nations, I hope to again show how the Roma have faced this same alienation that has been woven into the rest of their history which, in turn, has contributed to their sense of a collective identity that I argue exists within their culture.

Since the Roma don’t have a distinct homeland, they are widely dispersed throughout the world. For the sake of allowing you to better understand this distribution, I will list some of the main nations the Roma reside in along with their respective populations. When viewing the given populations keep in mind the fact that "true" numbers are nearly impossible to obtain. The reasons for this are 1) the Roma don't have a specific ethnic distinction that is recognized by the census takers, especially in nations outside of Eastern Europe 2) many Roma purposely don't identify themselves as such because of the stigma and persecution that goes along with it.

Host Nation Roma Populations

Australia 20,000-25,000 people

Bulgaria 700,000-800,000 people

Canada 20,000-25,000 people

Czech Republic 250,000-300,000 people

France 300,000-350,000 people

Germany 70,000-130,000 people

Greece 150,000-200,000 people

Hungary 550,000-600,000 people

Italy 90,000-100,000 people

Macedonia 200,000-260,000 people

Romania 1.5-2.0 million people

Sweden 15,000-20,000 people

United States 500,000-1 million people

(18)

Although you can see from the above chart that the Roma are a very widely distributed population of people, I have chose only three of these host nations for comparison: Romania, Sweden, and United States. I will use these particular examples to illustrate similarities and differences in the way in which the Roma people are currently adapting to and getting along with their surrounding populations. Along with specifics about their current conditions, I will provide a little history concerning how and when they arrived and what sort of push/pull factors were in place at the time.

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6.1 Romania:

The first area of Roma inhabitance that I will discuss is Romania. I will start here for a couple of reasons. First of all, Romania houses a larger number of Roma people than any other nation in the world with approximately 1.5-2.0 million people (18). Secondly, Romania was one of the first nations that the Roma actually decided to occupy after arriving in Europe one thousand years ago. The Roma have a very long history when it comes to Romania. They have come and gone numerous times throughout their stint in Europe. It started around the twelfth century, when the Roma arrived only to find themselves immediately enslaved. This lasted until the middle of the nineteenth century when Romanian slavery was abolished (24). At this time the Roma fled to other nations to escape the risk of reenslavement. Some stayed away, while others decided to return and, to eventually, be subjected to more severe conditions. The population gradually grew in size only to see the Roma flee again when conditions worsened severely after the fall of communism in the 1990’s.

The Roma are a special case in that the push and pull factors are relatively the same no matter where and when they decide to move. Since they have always faced such severe persecution, the Roma don’t necessarily need to be coaxed by another nation in order to leave. The conditions are always such that they need to leave in order to save themselves and their families from harm. It is a survival motive more than anything else. While some groups of people may be enticed by what other nations have to offer in the way of jobs and money, the Roma don’t seem to have the luxury of making these decisions. They, for the most part, leave because the conditions where they are at are too severe and life threatening to continue living there.

This is certainly the case when it comes to Romania. Since the Roma have such a long history here, they tend to come back time and again. They have developed a semblance of community in a lot of the Eastern European nations, especially Romania. Because of this, the Roma have left for reasons pertaining to the horrible conditions they are subjected to while there, not for more selfish motives like the promise of more wealth and prosperity somewhere else.

The Roma’s current life within Romania is still wrought with hardship and persecution. They reside mostly within areas on the periphery of towns and villages to avoid the rest of the population (25). They no longer are able to live their nomadic lifestyle that they became accustomed to because of the restrictions that have been placed on it in the past. Restrictions, such as the ones in Czechoslovakia in 1958 and Poland in 1964, forbade any sort of nomadism, including the self-employment type jobs that went with it, which the Roma have been performing for hundreds of years (23).

They are now forced into menial jobs that require working for someone else. Even these jobs are hard to find for the Roma because of the discrimination that they face, as evidenced by the unusually high rate of unemployment among them (20). In addition to the unemployment, the Roma face many other problems. They don’t have access to the educational system and don’t have the funds to develop their own schools. Health is another area of great concern for the Roma. They have limited access to health care and don’t particularly care to be treated by a “gaje” doctor (30). This combination of factors contributes to the higher risk of health problems and the lower life expectancy that the Roma experience.

The Roma are considered a national minority within Romania, which affords them protection under the constitution from any sort of discriminatory behavior (26). This distinction was only made as recently as 1990 and is still considered by many, including the European Roma Right Center (ERRC), to be loosely enforced. Many human rights abuses have been witnessed and reported especially since the fall of the communist regime in 1990. Despite the recognition these abuses are receiving by such organizations as the ERRC, they continue to take place.

These abuses are coming at the hands of many different groups. The Romanian majority population has strong animosity toward the Roma despite the fact that they try and isolate themselves by locating outside of towns and villages. The violence perpetrated by Romanians comes in the form of physical abuse against individuals along with the looting and burning of their communal space. Other minorities located within Romania, like the Hungarians and Germans; contribute to the violence as well. It is estimated by the Research Centre of Interethnic Relations in 2000, that the Roma were rejected by 100 percent of the Germans, 50 percent of the Hungarians, and 63 percent of the remaining minorities located within Romania (26).

This abuse doesn’t end with the just ordinary Romanian residents. The police officials discriminate against the Roma directly by failing to persecute those who commit crimes against them and indirectly by the non-introduction of sufficient legislation to protect the rights to which they are entitled. In addition to this, the judicial system doesn’t provide public defense for the Roma when they are tried. The combination of all these different discriminating components makes the Roma life much more difficult than it needs to be especially when all the Roma have asked for is to be left alone to live as they see fit.

The Roma have attempted to gain representation on the local and national level since 1990 when communism fell. Their attempts have gained them modest success on the local level with 164 seats within local and city councils in 2000 (26). Despite what appears to be gaining success by the number of chairs held, the Roma have little real influence as far as deciding how things should done within the government. At a national level, the Roma have even less influence when it comes to the decision-making process.

The best that they have been able to do in the last decade is make enough noise to get the human rights abuses against them recognized by international organizations such as the ERRC.

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6.2 Sweden:

I chose Sweden as another illustration of a host nation for the Roma because it seems like a logical next step as far as representing the conditions that they would like to live under. Like I said, it is only a next step and certainly not the ideal example. It provides many similarities and a few distinctions to differentiate it from the previous example of Romania.

The Roma history in Sweden is similar to that of Romania in that it takes many twists and turns along the way. The Roma first entered Sweden around the fifteenth century during the first large wave of migration across Europe. For the next couple hundred years, the Roma were developing a negative image based on others’ mistaken perceptions of them. As a result of this negative image, Sweden adopted their first nation-wide legislation that called for the forced removal of all Roma people from the country. Those that resisted were killed. This was the only such extermination policy in the history of Swedish legislation (3).

Another wave of immigration to Sweden began in the mid nineteenth century when Romanian slavery of the Roma was abolished. Sweden provided one of many places of refuge for the Roma fleeing persecution at the time. Swedish policies allowed limited amounts of Roma into the country until 1914 when another prohibition policy against the Roma was implemented. This lasted until 1954 when it was repealed. From 1954 until the present, the Swedish government has not implemented any anti-Roma immigration legislation, but at the same time it will only allow a limited number, who are seeking asylum, to enter.

Currently, Sweden has a Roma population of about 15,000-20,000 (18) people that predominantly live in the same way as those in Romania; on the outskirts of towns and villages. This population is recognized in the same manner as the Romanian Roma are. The Roma that are considered citizens are afforded the same rights as other non-Roma citizens. At the same time, the non-citizen Roma also have the same rights as other non-citizens. The Roma are recognized as a national minority within Sweden (3), which means that they are free to practice whatever religious or ethnic beliefs they want.

From the outside, it sounds as if the Roma are treated very fairly within Sweden. The laws allow for them to do whatever they want provided they do so in a lawful manner. Once inside, though, some of the same behavior (although not at the same degree of severity) is occurring that takes place within Romania. Although the law states that all citizens should be looked after equally, this doesn’t necessarily happen. Within Sweden, minorities such as the Roma and Sami (indigenous population of Sweden) are misunderstood by the rest of the population. The rights that they receive are misconceived by the general population as special privileges and, therefore, lead to discriminatory behavior on their part (EOC). It is because of this that the Roma feel like they are treated in a way very similar to other places within Europe.

Since the Roma have limited knowledge of Swedish, they lack the necessary skills to obtain good jobs within the country. They also lack general working skills, vocational skills, and education. Without these skills or even the experience of being employed, the Roma aren’t allowed to obtain and foster the cultural capital that is needed to get ahead. This leaves them segregated from the rest of the Swedish labor market and at a disadvantage when it comes to supporting themselves. As a result of the limited information about Sweden’s minority policies, I wasn’t able to find out if they are eligible for any government subsidies such as welfare to assist them in this process. From this, it is not hard to understand the ease at which the Roma would adopt the same sort of feeling of marginalization that they had in other Eastern European countries such as Romania.

In contrast to the limited governmental representation that the Roma have in Romania, Roma in Sweden have none. Although they have attempted to gain some influence, the Roma lack the knowledge of the Swedish governmental system needed to get them to the next step. They also lack the traditions needed to organize themselves in interest groups that would represent them. The future doesn’t look very favorable in this area either, which means that the conditions currently facing the Roma in Sweden will have to suffice.

Again, the push and pull factors that were involved in the Roma coming to Sweden are similar to those which kept them coming back to Romania. The Roma came to Sweden because they lacked other choices. At the time of their arrival, Sweden provided the same sort of expectations that other host countries were offering like employment and housing opportunities. These expectations weren’t much, but they were better than the conditions the Roma were fleeing. So, by and large, the conditions within Sweden are similar to those that the Roma faced in Romanian. The differences are 1) the appearance of representation in Romania compared to no representation at all in Sweden and 2) the much harsher degree of discrimination and abuse that takes place in Romania. Other than these two factors, the Roma experiences are very similar in both host countries in that they both live in the same proximity to their neighbors and they both foster the deep sense of community and family.

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6.3 United States:

The United States is the final example that I will use to illustrate the different conditions that the Roma are living under. I chose to present it last because I believe it provides some of the best and worst elements that the Roma are looking for when considering an ideal place of residence. I will touch on these elements a little later on. First, I would like to give a little history about how the Roma ended up here, as well as how and why they continue to arrive.

The Roma first arrived in America way back in the fifteenth century when they sailed with Columbus on his third voyage from Spain. Shortly after that, they started arriving in Virginia as a result of England and Scotland’s “wholesale deportation” (8) of unwanted populations. In the middle of the nineteenth century, during the period of America’s “open door” (8) policy, the next wave of Roma arrived. They came from all parts of Europe, but the vast majority came from Romania after they abolished Roma slavery. In 1885, the United States Immigration Department changed its policies towards admitting “gypsies” and immediately started denying their entrance.

From this point on, the Roma that have entered this country have done so illegally in smaller groups through Canada and Mexico or have come as refugees seeking asylum from nations like Czechoslovakia, Hungary, or Romania. They didn’t identify themselves as Roma so that they would have a better chance of being allowed in. The others, who were exceptions to these two rules and a scant minority, came as educated professionals from nations like Italy or England.

For the vast majority of 500,000-1 million (30) Roma who occupy the United States, total assimilation isn’t an option. In one respect, they came to the country most suited to non-assimilation. They were totally surrounded by a multitude of races, which meant that they could easily blend in without being recognized. This is exactly what the Roma wanted to do. They still retained their Roma identity through their language and customs, but didn’t make it know to the general public. Most would live the Roma way with family and the surrounding community, but hide it when they came into contact with the “gaje”.

On the negative side, the Roma have faced a lot of problems upon arriving in the United States. One of the most apparent problems was the transfer of laws against and negative attitudes towards the Roma that came with them from European countries (8). Some of the laws included in this thirty four page long list are no setting up camp or settling down within a specific county without a license, and no opening up of a business or practicing of fortune-telling, palmistry, etc. with out a business license (patrin). These attitudes and laws were quickly adopted by the American population, and with it came the same sort of discrimination they were used to in Europe. What made this situation even worse was that the majority of these laws were implemented at the state level and remained in place until very recently.

Another problem the Roma encountered was the discontinuation of their nomadic lifestyle. It did continue until around the twentieth century, but then was made impossible because having a permanent place of residence is necessary for most employment, as well as health and social benefits. Today almost all American Roma are either renters or homeowners. This change of lifestyle and their reluctance to be “out” about being Roma have contributed to the one of the biggest problems the Roma face in America today. This is the very fragmented nature of their people. Even though the Roma originally split apart upon arrival in Eastern Europe in the fifteenth century, they still retained a strong sense of identity and community when possible. The American Roma have lost this sense of unity, which makes it almost impossible even if the Roma wanted to come together for the purposes of organizing. This is the main thing that sets them apart from European Roma.

Overall in the United States, the Roma conditions are better than the other examples of Sweden and Romania. This is, in part, due to their ability to blend in without being identified as Roma. Discrimination against the Roma is still an issue within the United States, but mostly because of the negative image that is portrayed in books and movies. It isn’t as prevalent and overt as it is in places within Europe, but it still exists in a milder form in places such as the educational system or health care system. Even these places seem to be getting better as time goes by.

In addition to the Roma experiences in these three nations, I originally wanted to include “multicultural” nations such as Canada and Australia. It would seem like the Roma would be subjected to a variety of experiences, within nations including “multicultural policies”, far different from those represented by the United States, Sweden, and Romania. Unfortunately, I wasn’t able to come up with enough specific information on their policies towards the Roma, nor about the Roma’s personal experiences within these two nations. For this reason I had to leave them out of the paper and do the best with what I had.

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7 Uniting and Organizing:

The Roma are an exception when it comes to being a diaspora in a lot of ways, with the most obvious way being the absence of a homeland. This absence makes the idea of uniting and being recognized especially hard. By not having a nation, the Roma are constantly being overlooked as just an imagined community (1). The nation is what normally gives a group of people its legitimacy and the platform to be heard. This is the problem that the Roma currently have. They not only don’t have a national territory to recognize themselves by, the legitimacy of their own Roma ethnicity is also in question by international organizations.

In fact, my argument of the Roma identity relying on their collective persecution and alienation is the only leg they seem to have to stand on. This is one of the only things that gets them recognized by international organizations. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the ERRC are two of the most visible driving forces for drawing attention to the Roma people. This is only because of the constant human rights abuses that are being perpetrated against them. If it weren’t for these abuses, I’m not sure if they would get much recognition at all.

I also believe that this emphasis on lessening the human rights abuses against the Roma has gotten in the way of taking bigger steps like giving them decision-making ability on a global scale. This absence of representation on a global scale is the reason that their conditions aren’t undergoing wholesale changes. It seems like they are acquiescing to alleviating the symptoms instead of trying to cure the bigger disease of lack of authority and power.

There are two sides that have been taken when it comes to this issue of Roma representation. One side argues that organizations like the International Romani Union (IRU), which was founded in the early 1970’s by a small group of Romani intellectuals, has a tremendous amount of influence when it comes to Romani rights. This organization is headed by Ian Hancock, a very well respected Roma, who has worked hard to get worldwide recognition for the Roma people. The IRU has lobbied against human rights abuses and assimilation policies in place in many European countries. It has also worked hard to try and change the educational systems that have been excluding Roma since they arrived in Europe almost a thousand years ago.

The argument against the success of Roma organizations is many fold. First of all, the IRU, according to Rudko Kawczynski, is no more than a “paper tiger”. It lacks any sort of real organization and funding, and is at the mercy of larger organizations such as the United Nations and European Union as far as being recognized. If the UN and EU choose to recognize the IRU then great, if not they have no real power to influence things on a large scale.

In addition to this, many Roma feel that these organizations that are “representing them” are not able to do so because the people leading them are too far removed from what the Roma really experience. The real representation, according to Kawczynski, can only come from smaller grass-roots organizations such as the “Roma and Sinti Union” in Germany and “The Foundation for Hope and Understanding” in the Czech Republic. On a larger scale, the Soros Foundation provides millions of dollars to Romani projects each year for school programs, Romani media, and other Romani organizations within numerous countries.

A final argument against such organizations like the IRU is simply the lack of results that have come from it. In the last thirty years since its inception, most would argue that the conditions haven’t changed very much for the Roma. As a matter of fact, things seem to have been getting worse since 1990 when communism fell. The discrimination has escalated, unemployment has risen, and education is still not accessible to them.

Although the Roma have representation on all levels; community, national, and international, there doesn’t seem to be a cohesiveness between them. It seems like the relationship between the different levels diminishes the farther up you go. Individuals and community leadership are very closely tied together because of the sense identification the leaders have with the general public. The leaders at a national and international level, on the other hand, seem to be a part of the Romani intelligentsia that comprises a very small percentage of their population. This distance between the two distinct populations of Roma seem to be too large to provide appropriate representation. This leaves us with only the human rights organizations to advance the Roma cause.

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8 Maintaining Connections:

From the literature I read and the research I've done, the connections between different Roma groups throughout the world are not as extensive as you will find with other migrating groups. The Roma sense of family and community is the most central theme in their existence. They work hard to maintain this social unit as best as they can. The sense that I get is that the Roma are content to just stay connected on a limited scale.

Within Eastern Europe, where the Roma have much more of a sense of community than in nations farther way, I believe that the connections are stronger. They may also be stronger based on the fact that the Roma are recognized as a people. They aren't able to, nor do they seem to want to, blend in with the rest of the society like they can elsewhere. This sense of community is, in some areas, transformed into local organizations with the intent of making some changes within the Roma community.

In contrast to Eastern Europe, the Roma in the United States tend to want to blend into the multicultural setting that they are a part of. They don't have this luxury in most nations, and seem to relish the idea of not being recognized outside of their social unit. This allows them to, as much as possible, avoid the persecution that they have been subjected to for so long.

The sense I get is that the Roma do keep abreast of what is going on in the rest of the world with their people. They do have networks over the internet with which to keep in contact such as chat rooms and message boards. From my experience on these two mediums, though, I didn't get a sense of them being used too extensively. Based on the many websites like Patrin, Errc, and Romnews, the Roma not only have access to what is going on within the Roma community, they are also very interested.

Although I don't believe that there are as many "true" or tangible connections as you would see in other diasporic communities, I still do think that the Roma identify with others throughout the world. They all share a sense of connection with one and another based on the shared feelings of persecution and alienation. This feeling helps them to maintain these connections in a more imagined way than most others. Even the fourth or fifth generation of Roma in nations like the United States has this sense of pride that comes with being at least part Roma.

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9 Conclusion:

The Roma are a widely dispersed group of people who all originated from one place. Despite this, they don't have a place that they call a homeland. Throughout their history, this lack of homeland, as well as their differences in appearance and lifestyle, have caused them to be persecuted wherever they ended up. They have been enslaved, alienated, kicked out, and killed en masse, but their perseverance has allowed them to live on. They are a people that no one wants, but they refuse to disappear. This can be attributed to any number of things. I believe it is attributed to their overwhelming sense of identity that they share with one and another through their collective feeling of persecution. This identity, I believe entitles them to be considered a "true" diasporic community. Whether or not they fulfill the criteria set forth by Safran, the Roma have proven themselves to be a worldwide community worthy of the term "diaspora".