Takara Matsuu

ISTD/ANTH 595: Transnational Migration

December 18, 1999

Preface

 

1. Introduction
2. "Old Tibet" to "Tibet in Exile"
3. Dalai Lama and His Role in Diaspora Community
4. Preservation of Culture, Religion, and Identity in Diaspora
5. Imagined Tibet
6. Conclusion: Tibet’s future and the study of Diaspora

I was always curious to make sense of my identity; especially the cultural part of it has always been fuzzy. As I was going through my high school years abroad, the issue of "culture" and "self-identity’ has bothered me. I think it was through my experience of living away from home in a culture which was different from my own that I began to realize that there were a lot of things concealed in the name of "culture." I thought that more active discussions should take place both in myself and in society. I was hoping that someday in my life, I would be able to give a reliable answer to my own struggle--culture, self-identity and the society that surrounds me.

Even after some years of inquisitive journey, nothing really has come to give an explicit answer to my own question, "where did I come from and where am I going?" As my teenage-life memories began to take their own roots in various places in the world, I was always anxious to find my own definition of "home." My own experience of crossing borders did not mean a lot at that time, except that it offered me a little happiness in collecting strange looking visas and stamps on my passport.

More people have lost their "home" as we appreciate what globalization offers us. As Clifford suggested, we are becoming to live our lives in "traveling-in-dwelling." People have been asking themselves questions and trying to find their own definition of their identity to satisfy their curiosity. Do we need a classical notion of "home" to sustain who we are? Where does "self-identity" dwell in post-modern world? What happens if we start distinguishing the physical existence of ‘home’ from the imaginary notion of home, that is ingrained within us and often times forces us to beautify our past? How does one make sense of his/her collective memory when he cannot quite create a cohesive "memory" of his own life?

Then, the dichotomy of domestic and international, class and race, and culture and ethnicity suddenly start to look blurred. Now it seems, that the studies of immigrants, refugees and diasporas give me a better perspective and hope for what I would hoped to see in the field of truly inter- and intra- national studies. For me, and for Tibetan peoples who are living both in their homeland in Tibet and abroad in exile, the distinction between "domestic" and "international" seems unlikely to separate us very far as our search for "home" continues.

According to the 1999 report from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the total number of people of concern to UNHCR is 21.5 million as of 1 January 1999 (UNHCR: webpage). This figure represents one out of every 280 people on earth. They include refugees, returnees and persons displaced outside of and within their own countries. Refugees face difficult problems of placement and adjustment as they relocate themselves to new land. With arising consciousness of globalization and its effect on our society, issues of migrations, refugees and diasporas have gained more attention both in academia and in the wider public. Migratory movements are not new to human history. As Massey puts in his introduction, the modern history of international migration can be divided roughly into four periods, starting with the mercantile period of 1500 AD to 1800 AD, when the considerably large human migration occurred (Massey: 1).

Migratory movements have given dynamics to the history of every continent. We have learned that human migration is rooted in historical conditions in relation to a particular social, cultural, economic and political context. With the theoretical concepts and universal framework of the study of migration, we have been able to analyze the phenomenal movement of people across borders. However, as every corner of our society is faced with the forces of globalization, we begin to realize building tensions that collide with economics, politics and geography in the international sphere. We hear more discussions and stories of refugees and experiences of stateless people in magazine, newspapers and in the wider public. Gradually and certainly, we are facing the turning point in the study of international/transnational migration where we are urged to re-examine its classical approach and re-locate concepts and hypothesis to accommodate its discrepancies and problems.

No migratory movement remains isolated from our lives. Migrations can affect social, cultural, economic and demographic structures of both sending and receiving countries. However, we are not fully aware of diverse issues of migration and refugees, and we have not attained a tool to analyze and comprehend those issues. Mahmoudi writes, "the condition of refugees and their future is depressingly bleak," and he estimates that only 1 % of all refugees settle down each year (Mahmoudi: 19). Most of the discussions on migration and refugee unfortunately remain in a pessimistic tone, and there is a need for further study on migratory movement and refugees to overcome with their problems.

However, one of the most optimistic and utopic alternatives to the current migratory issues and despair of refugee communities is the notion of "diaspora" and "diasporic community."

The term "diaspora" was confined to the histories of Jewish and Christian religions until the 1960s and had a very specific meaning. The term is used to denote Jews who live outside the "Promised Land" signifying the oppression and moral degradation implied by the dispersion (Baumann: 385, Safran: 88). In recent years, however, the term "diaspora" has fled its original meaning, and now it includes words like immigrant, expatriate, refugee, guest-worker, exile community, overseas community, ethnic community (Tolopoan: 4-5). The term that used to specify the experience of Jews with the capitalized D (as still is in spell-check) is now accepted as another internationally recognized metaphoric word among scholars. However, the term "diaspora" should not be hindered and taken simply as another catchy fancy new-age vocabulary. Moreover, as Clifford argues "contemporary diasporic practices cannot be reduced to epiphenomena of the nation-state" (Clifford: 224), we cannot condense the richness that the term "diaspora" holds.

Clifford urges us to discuss the problems in defining the term "diaspora" critically and further investigate its discourse in pluralistic and multiple approach. Challenge here, in the context of Tibet, is not simply a relocation of Tibetan refugee experience in more utopic notion of "diaspora" discourse. Rather, he suggests us to explore the tensions that dwell in utopic and dystopic narratives (Clifford: 244). Tibetans in exile have been regarded as both "refugees" and "diaspora" in academia. Some scholars, such as Mahmoudi argue that Tibetan refugees have necessarily accepted the challenges of adjustment and that Tibetans have made "successful" transition despite their struggles in dealing with cultural, historical and religious practices in a society which they settled in (Mahmoudi: 17). Therefore, I believe that it is important to look at Tibetan communities abroad, and examine how and why their refugee experiences have transformed to the "diasporic" experiences. I am particularly interested in the transitions that "refugees" undertake to become a part of "diaspora" communities, and how and where they attain "optimism" in their experiences as refugees. Since Tibetans have been recognized as "the model refugees" in India, Nepal, and recently in the United States, they might be able to provide us a hope for further investigation in studies of migration and refugees. Moreover, I hope this study serves as the entry point of a serious discussion and development of diaspora studies.

In this paper I argue that the existence of a vibrant Tibetan diaspora community challenges pessimistic popular and scholarly accounts of the global ‘plight of refugees,’ and offer ground for investigation of issues of authenticity, challenge the notion of ‘culture,’ and question constructing/constructed self- and imposed images in studies of diaspora. To support my argument, I look at three major factors that have made Tibetans’ cross-cultural adjustment possible. First, having the Dalai Lama as both the religious and the temporal leader of Tibetan diaspora, Tibetans have been able to transform their personal experiences in diaspora into a cohesive collective Tibetan identity and successfully created "imagined community." Or more precisely, they have transformed their home in Tibet to an "imagined independent Tibetan nation" through development of structural government system outside their homeland. Second, Tibetan people and the Tibetan government in exile have made conscious effort to preserve their cultural identities and historical roots. Especially, their contributions are strongest in building religious institutions, transforming education system and retelling of their story (history) in their narratives. Third, Tibetans have received a great deal of help from the outside world, and have been able to promote an optimistic vision of their future. In the process, the essentialist view or a static notion of "culture," which Tibetans have held, has been challenged and has encouraged vibrant discussions in the study of diaspora.

It is estimated that about 131,000 Tibetans have left their home in Old Tibet since 1959, and currently settled in the neighboring countries, such as India, Nepal, and Bhutan, and recently to the Western countries, such as the United States, Canada, Switzerland and Australia (the Tibetan Government-in-Exile: webpage). Although they have undertook difficult journeys in overcoming the relentless hardship caused by the Chinese invasion of their homeland, many Tibetans have not lost their faith in returning to their home in Tibet. Tensin Dhaluntsang, a eleventh grade student in Dharamsala, wrote an essay entitled "Home is where heart is" which describes Tibetans’ experiences and their longing for home.

Essay written by Tensin Dhaluntsang, eleventh grade (Tibetan Students Organization, webpage)

"Tibet" conjures up particular visions and myths of Tibetan land and Tibetan people. Tibet is a country of beauty and spectacular mountains located in the eastern Central Asia, and it is the world’s highest country with an average altitude of 4,572 meters (15,000feet). The Tibetans are considered to be descendants of the nomadic, non-Chinese people (Wangyal: 14). The most important outside cultural influence came to Tibet from India. With the establishment of Buddhism in the early eighth century, Tibetans have always lived at peace and harmony with and the environment until 1949 when the Chinese People’s Republic Liberation Army began to move into Tibet.

On October 19, 1949 the Tibetan and Chinese armies, by the order of Mao Tsetung, clashed at Chamdo, a city in the western Tibet. Tibetans were decisively defeated. The 14^th Dalai Lama, who has only 15 years old, and the Tibetan government were not prepared to deal with the threat of invasion. Chinese invasion inevitably altered the social structure of Tibet. Since 1949, more than 6,000 Buddhist monasteries have been destroyed, and approximately 1.2 million Tibetans, about one sixth of the total population of Tibet (TGE: webpage) have died due to political persecution, imprisonment, torture and famine. In addition, through Chinese policy of "political, economic and cultural liberation and development" (in Mao Tsetung’s words in Wangyal: 16), customs, language, schools, traditions and religious beliefs which Tibetans have long lived with were wiped out by force. The Tibetan government appealed to the United Nation and to some nations in the West. However, international community was not helpful. Britain denied recognizing Tibet as an independent nation, as well as India (Mullin: 6).

The fifteen-year-old Tenzin Gyatso was reluctant to become both spiritual and temporal leader of Tibet. However, he soon realized that this was not his personal choice, but for his people. Negotiations did take place several times between the People’s Republic of China and Tibet during the turmoil. However, the situations got worsen and Tibetans, who had faith in the Dalai Lama and their land faced, devastating social condition. On May 23 in 1951, after several negotiations with Mao, Tibet resulted in the signing of a Seventeen Point Agreement, under Article 3 of which Tibet agreed to ‘return to the big family of the motherland’ in return for a number of guarantees (Mullin: 7). Soon after the agreement, the Dalai Lama thought that the Tibet would be better served from outside. After a nine years of relentless struggle since the invasion of Tibet by Chinese, the Dalai Lama secretly left his country and flee to India, where he attained asylum status.

After people discovered the his Holiness, the Dalai Lama is safely reached to India, the mass exodus of Tibetans left their home to follow the Dalai Lama. The first group of refugees from Tibet had arrived at Bomdila, India on May 20, and many more followed. From that point, the Tibetan refugees have grown, and the settlements have been established in India, Nepal, Bhutan, and later on in Europe and in North America.

Although it is not formally recognized by the world (Wangyal: 21) in particular, by the Chinese, Tibetans regard the Tibetan Government-in-Exile in Dharamsala, India as the sole legitimate Government of Tibet under the leadership of His Holiness, the Dalai Lama (TGE: webpage). The Dalai Lama’s Tibetan Government-in Exile serves to unite Tibetans in diasporic community. However, it is neither for his own future nor of his primary concern to unite his people for political or economic reasons. His stand has been that;

Since the Government-in Exile was established in 1969, the Dalai Lama has emphasized on several key issues to improve the lives of Tibetan peoples in exile. These goals include:

1. Representation of the Tibetan refugees;
2. Guardianship of the Tibetan culture, religion, and language;
3. Care and education of Tibetan children;
4. Preservation of national and cultural identity in exile;
5. Defense of the national sovereignty of the Tibetan people on the basis of a democratic form of State;
6. Continuing the nonviolent Tibetan struggle for freedom in the name of the five million Tibetans in Tibet and in exile (Gyaltag: 12-13: in Servais: 15)

The Tibetan community in exile is administrated by the Kashag, the Council of Ministers, and the Assembly of Tibetan People’s Deputies. It was established in 1960 and it is a democratically elected body introduced by the Dalai Lama (Wangyal: 21-22). The Assembly consists of 46 elected members representing the three provincial regions and five major religious sects of Tibet. Elections are held every five years, and any Tibetan, without discrimination of sex, religion and social origin, who has reached the age of 25 years has the right to contest elections to the Assembly.

Tibet in Exile (the government of Tibet in Exile)

Since coming into exile, the Tibetan Government-in-Exile has tried to provide Tibetan refugees with their basic needs of food, shelter, health care and education. The Tibetan Refugee Community has had a rehabilitation program that seeks to bring all Tibetan refugees into community groups where they can sustain their language, culture and traditions (TGE: webpage). The rehabilitation program has been comparatively successful due to the generous support from international community and settlement countries. In 1994 there were 69,428 Tibetans living in 54 Settlements in India, Nepal and Bhutan. In addition there were 51,715 Tibetan refugees living in India and Nepal in scattered communities (TGE: webpage). In the Tibetan settlements, there are a number of departments and councils, such as a Council for Religions and Cultural Affairs, a Council for Home Affairs, a Council for Tibetan Education, and an Information Office of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. In addition, as the Tibetans resettled in non-traditional places, such as the United States and Switzerland, efforts have been made to establish offices that represent Dalai Lama and his government abroad in New York, Tokyo, London, Zurich and other major cities in the world (Wangyal: 22).

Although the government-in-exile has worked extensively to secure peace in the Tibetan community, to provide basic needs for Tibetans, and to preserve Tibetan culture and identity, some obstacles still remain. One of the obstacles of the government-in-exile is the overcrowdedness of the settlements in India and Nepal. The government of India and Nepal have been supportive of the Tibetan refugees and the Tibetan Government-in-exile. However, consistent increase of Tibet population in recent years has created tensions between Tibetan people in exile and receiving countries. Due to the significant increase of population in the Tibetan community in India and Nepal, existing settlements cannot absorb all the refugees, which already has increased the existing refugee population by over 10 percent (TGE: webpage). The following graph illustrates the dramatic increase of population in the Tibetan community in India and Nepal.

Table 1: New Refugees in India and Nepal

Another problem that the government in exile points out is the increase of children and young people in Tibetan community in India and Nepal in recent years. The government comments that the difficulty is "rapid growth of young Tibetans," as the graph below illustrates, "has caused severe strains to the already fragile Settlement economy and infrastructure" (TGE: webpage) particularly due to lack of land, limited employment opportunities, absent additional housing facilities and lack of infrastructure.

Table 2: New Refugees from 1989 to 1993 by Age (the Tibetan Government in Exile)

Although problems remain and experiences of Tibetans vary depending on their settlements in new places, overall experience of Tibetans in exile has been comparatively successful. Tibetans have not given up their faith in Tibet land and their future. Their hearts long for the Old Tibet. However, their experiences in exile have been positive because of a well-structured government in exile and their performance. Through the Rehabilitation program, Tibetans have able to form a community where they could sustain their language, identity and culture. More importantly, having the Dalai Lama, who is extremely concerned about the life of Tibetans peoples, and in presence in front of Tibetans and carrying out governmental affairs, Tibetans have been able to connect their spiritual faith with the political will.

The bond with the Dalai Lama, is the most important quality in Tibetan culture, and in turn, in Tibetan identity in the diaspora. Nowak argues the Dalai Lama was summarizing symbol of Tibetan tradition (Nowak: 24-25). Sense of "Tibetanness" as unified people, which is embodied in the Dalai Lama, has strengthened the Tibetan community and enable it to remain unified despite the devastation of the Tibetan homeland by the Chinese. As study of symbolic anthropology suggests, in their cognition, Tibetans have been able to build their identity through meaning of symbols that the Dalai Lama and the Tibet evoke. Now, with the symbolic meaning of the Dalai Lama and the political wills that the Dalai Lama’s government succeeds in, consciousness of "Tibetan diaspora" has grown.

Since 1391, when Gendun Drup was recognized as the first Dalai Lama, the succession of Dalai Lama has been continued through reincarnation. Dalai is Mongolian for "ocean" and Lama is Tibetan for "spiritual teacher." Therefore, in translation, Dalai Lama is "Ocean of Wisdom" (Farrer-Halls: 60). Dalai Lamas are considered to be manifestations of Chenrezig, the Buddha of compassion. Tenzin Gyatso is the 14^th Dalai Lama, and the succession continues through reincarnation. When a Dalai Lama dies a search immediately institutes to find the reincarnation of the previous Dalai Lama. The process sometimes took several years while high lamas traveled on horseback to all parts of Tibet in search of a baby boy answering to the description of the Living Buddha.

The Dalai Lama holds a crucial role in sustaining tradition and culture of Tibet. In Dalai Lama’s words, "the Dalai Lama represents Tibet and the Tibetan way of life, something dearer to them than anything else. They were convinced that if my body perished at the hands of the Chinese, the life of Tibet would also come to an end." (the 14^th Dalai Lama in Nowak: 25). This leads us to question, "what will happen to the succession of the Dalai Lama if the current Dalai Lama dies in exile?" More precisely, "where does the search for the 15^th Dalai Lama take place?" I will come back to this question later with concluding remarks and speculations of Tibet’s future.

News of the Chinese occupation of Tibet and Tibetans accomplishments in exile have evoke sympathy toward Tibetan peoples and the Dalai Lama. Especially in recent years, the Dalai Lama, who calls himself ‘a Buddhist monk,’ has been acknowledged by the international community. In 1989 the Nobel Committee awarded its prize for peace to the Dalai Lama. In his speech, the Dalai Lama expressed his belief that;

The Dalai Lama receives invitations from all over the world. In addition to invitational visits, he accommodates his schedule to visit Tibetans in North America and Europe, where Tibetan settlements have grew significantly. Furthermore, he has attended conferences and meetings on Buddhism and Tibet in London, the United States and other countries in the West. However, the reasons of the Dalai Lama’s traveling are not to call empathy from the Western nations or to empower the Tibetans in Tibet and in exile. Farrer-Halls asked the Dalai Lama in her personal interview session in July 1996, "Why are you spending an increasing amount of time in the West?" and the Dalai Lama’s answer was "only in response to many invitations" (Farrer-Halls: 98). It is apparent and encouraging for Tibetans and the Dalai Lama that the people, in any age, nationality or religious beliefs, are interested in wisdom and compassion which the Dalai Lama possesses.

From the very first year of exile, the consciousness of preserving cultural practices and religious values was crucial. This consciousness was officially endorsed by the government in exile. In 1959, the Council of Religion and Cultural Affairs was established as a part of the Tibetan Government-in-Exile to preserve and promote understanding of Tibetan religion and culture. In addition, the Department of Education was established, and it has been responsible for all educational activities in exile. The Department currently oversees 85 schools in India, Nepal, and Bhutan serving over 27,000 children (TGE: webpage). In response to the recent population increase, especially population of younger generation, the Tibetan Government-in-Exile has put a strong emphasis on education in Tibetan language, culture and religion. Furthermore, to accommodate the increasing needs for education in the settlements, the Tibetan Children’s Village was established. It is a home to over 10,000 orphaned children whose parents are still living in Tibet under the Chinese control. In schools, not only does the government put emphasis on the Tibetan culture and religious values, but also it encourages Tibetans to look beyond their old horizons for new models of what education can imply. The Tibetan Review in 1968 says that;

It is their belief, which resembles the rhetoric of the Dalai Lama, that to sustain their Tibetan identity and Tibetan diaspora, they have to search for the middle ground: middle-ground in the West and the East, and in modern and traditional. This notion contributes to the transition of Tibetans from "Tibetan refugee communities" to "Tibetan Diaspora" where optimism and utopia seem to alleviate their painful experiences in Tibet.

Unlike other refugee groups whose communities are increasingly characterized by violence, suicide attempts, and cultural fragmentation (Forbes: 3), Tibetan’s story largely is marked by cultural integrity and generational continuity. Forbes asserts that individual differences exist among the Tibetans in other countries, and the difference is probably greater between the settlements in South Asia and in the Western setting. However, since there is a strong sense of community, it is difficult to distinguish refugees living in different settlements (Forbes: 2). In addition, according to Hicks, the Tibetans in all generation are determined to preserve their religion and their culture, and have contributed greatly to the survival of Tibet. National pride of being Tibetans is not just confined to the old people. Young people living in exile are also conscious of their roots (Hicks: 95).

In this section, I will introduce three Tibetan communities where Tibetans have established their lives. Settlements in India, Nepal, the United States and Switzerland are the part of Tibetan diaspora. Different government policies and social grounds affect Tibetans in their settlements, and in consequence, differences emerge among the Tibetan settlements in the diaspora. However, in case of Tibetan diaspora, those differences are relatively subtle. Since there is a strong sense of community throughout the diaspora, it is difficult to distinguish Tibetans living in different settlements. I will investigate further if the collective Tibetan identity and sense of belonging is transferable to western settings like the US and Switzerland, and if the collective and centralized communities in the diaspora are in process of changing.

Dharamsala, also referred as "Little Lhasa," is home to the Tibetan government in exile. It is located at an elevation of approximately 6,000 feet in the foothills of the Himalayas where it resembles the environment and the life in Old Tibet. Although both India and Nepal are not legally bound to grant asylum to Tibetans, and despite the dangers of accepting Tibetan peoples, the Nepalese government and Indian government never forced Tibetans to return to their homeland. It is because of the long-standing religious and economic connections among the Himalayan countries.

In early years of their settlements in India, Tibetans were not encouraged to establish a large Tibetan community (Karan: 59). The policy of the Indian government was to set up refugee settlements for the Tibetans in widespread area and never too many in one place. However, Tibetans were able to relocate throughout India later. Especially those who have become proficient in language, technical skills and other areas of work were encouraged to move elsewhere to share their skills and experiences (Karan: 60), that in turn helped Tibetans to build confidence and self-help attitude toward life and work in new place.

According to the population figure from the Tibetan Government-in-Exile, There are currently 121,143 Tibetans in South Asia. Almost 70,000 Tibetans live in the Settlements; the remaining 50,000 live in scattered communities in India and Nepal (TGE: webpage). The table gives data on the Tibetan population by region in India and Nepal.

In Tibetan Settlements, there are a few Indians living (quarter to one-fifth of the total population in the Settlements), but Tibetan refugees are the majority. The government in exile has planned and implemented the fundamentals of community organization based on the principles of pluralism (Nowak). It means that they promote cooperation and interaction with the host community. One of the plans that they implemented was a series of agricultural settlements throughout India and Nepal. It was very important for Tibetans in exile to assure the food supply, and they were encouraged to contribute back to the host countries.

In both India and in Nepal, there are four activities that the Tibetan refugees do to promote self-sufficiency. They are agriculture, handicrafts, labor and shopkeeping. Agriculture engaged the greatest number (approximately 30 percent of the total population) of Tibetan refugees in India and Nepal. However, due to the developments facilitated by the government in exile with generous collaboration with the government in India and Nepal, there has been an increase in number of Tibetans who are in business and service sectors (Methfessel: 18). In any sector, the Tibetan refugees are directed by their leadership to engage in occupations that are not in direct competition with natives in India and Nepal. The government of hosting countries’ roles has been significant in leasing land to the refugees as Tibetans develop their entrepreneurial activities. In addition, a great amount of sponsorship and foreign funding from the organizations and individuals have helped to Tibetans communities alive (Methfessel: 19).

The Tibetan-US Resettlement Project began in March 1989, when Tibetans and Americans formed a coalition whose goal was to bring 1,000 Tibetan refugees to the United States. The US Immigration Act of 1990 made it possible to bring Tibetans refugees in India and Nepal to the USA (Zurkhang: 93-94). They settled in 20 US cities, including Santa Fe, Minneapolis/St. Paul, Salt Lake City, and Portland. For Tibetans who moved to the US, it was a serious choice. Each of them owed approximately $1,200 to the Tibetan government for repayment of travel cost.

I had an opportunity to talk to one of the first 1,000 Tibetan refugees to Minneapolis, United States. He is the first elected president of the Tibetan community here. He is currently working as a liaison for Minnesota public schools. He was born in Tibet and later on when he was 15, moved to India. He explained how the selection process was to 1,000 Tibetans to migrate to the US in 1990. Before 1990 when the resettlement project was enacted, there were already 2,000 Tibetans who had already settled in the United States. The Tibetan government in exile made sure that they send well-represented group of Tibetans. They had to consider how many teachers, monks, scholars, were needed to make a good proportion of Tibetan community in a new country. Originally, 1000 were selected, then in 9 years, the Tibetan population in the US has grown to 6,000 due to family reunion.

Twin cities hold the largest Tibetan community in the USA. The Original settlement was 150 people in 1990, and now the population has grown to more than 800. The possible reasons of the population growth in Minneapolis/ St. Paul were secondary migration and family reunion. There are four Tibetan organizations in Minnesota; one of the central one is the Tibetan American Foundation of Minnesota. All the US settlements are connected through the Tibetan office in NewYork, and important informations are distributed throughout the diaspora. There are eleven international Tibetan government offices in the world, which serves as liaisons.

Education is a very important component for preservation of Tibetan culture and religious faiths in the Tibetan community in Minnesota. There are approximately 200 Tibetan school-age children, and all of them attend public schools in Minnesota. However, it is their fear that children growing up in USA might loose Tibetan language and Tibetan way of life. With the help of the Tibetan Office in New York and local community, Tibetans now have a weekend school where they learn reading, writing of Tibetan language and Tibetan Buddhism. In addition, there is an ESL classes on every Sundays, mainly supported by volunteers in the area community, where adults learn English.

Now, the challenge for the Tibetans in United States is how much of the American assimilationalist policy they are willing to accept. Through the Resettlement policy of the United States during the 1980s, Minnesota experienced an influx of Indo-Chinese refugees. Tibetans are new to the community; however, their story has been a "success" story in where the growing consciousness of refugees and ethnic population become apparent. Currently, Minnesota serves as a host of the largest Hmong refugee community outside of their homeland, the largest Tibetan community in the United States, significantly large population of Mexicans, Russians (the Minneapolis Foundation). The state of Minnesota keeps its reputation as "good place, good people, more job" and the life of refugees seems more optimistic than other places in the United States. However, conflicts between the hosts and refugees are existent. Despite of their efforts, refugees and migrants in the United States are facing difficulties, most of which are due to their unique cultural and religious practices.

Dilemma of assimilation is definitely one of the obstacles that Tibetans will face in the future. Tibetans youth attend public schools in Minnesota where sufficient education in Tibetan language and culture is not easily attainable. Tibetan adults are leaning English as way to communicate and to secure employment opportunity. Although their experience in America has been successful and well supported through government offices at home of the Tibetan diaspora, it is, after all, their first experience in a new land. This is not only the challenge of 6000 Tibetans in the United States, but of the 131,000 Tibetans in the diaspora whose heart and soul is in unity.

I am particularly concerned with the assimilationalist policy that the United States government posits on the Tibetans. The assimilationalist policy, or melting-pot analogy, suggests that Tibetans in the United States inevitably face the challenge of transforming themselves from "Tibetans" to "Tibetan Americans" and to "Asian Americans." What will Tibetan American or more precisely, Asian American means to them? Are they able to and is it their attempt to plant their roots in American soil?

My speculation is that as Tibetans population expands in future, they will secure their political and economic safe ground in some extent, considering the steady increasing of support for Tibetans in the West. One college Tibetan student said," The more money we Tibetans have, the higher our living standard is, the more we forget our own culture." (Hessler: 63). Now, having relatively secure ground for higher economic and educational achievement, Tibetans in the United States are on the test to prove how much of their core value originates in their cultural, religious and imagined homeland myth. Tibetans experiences and achievements in new land make us to ponder how much of the triumph of economy and politics in their diaspora community is part of the Tibetan diaspora discourse. Furthermore, it suggests that the line between the cultural and religious components of myth makings and the optimism from the more tangible political and economic advancement in the Tibetan diaspora is not definite.

Currently there are about 2,000 Tibetans in Switzerland (TGE: webpage), and most of them live in the German speaking part of Switzerland. Small group of Tibetan refugees were admitted for education and resettlements as early as in 1960 (Karan: 61). Switzerland was particularly supportive of the resettlement of Tibetans because, according to Karan, "Tibetan tragedy aroused national sympathy of a free alpine people for another mountain people in great need." (Karan: 61). The original plan of the Swiss government was to resettle Tibetans in the high mountain areas, where they could live the life of Old Tibet and find pastoral work which Tibetans have great skills of. However, during that time Swiss manufactures were short of labor. As a result, some Tibetans were resettled in a more modern setting.

Ties to the homeland and the Tibetan cultures are the transcending characteristics throughout the diaspora, and it is also strongly encouraged in Switzerland. Tibetans established a place for weekly gathering and leaning where most of children aged 6 to 17 attend (Karan: 62). However, effectiveness of the educational effort is not very clear. During the 1973 tour in Europe the Dalai Lama visited Switzerland and met children who had been adapted by Swiss families. It was a deeply moving experience for the Dalai Lama, he was disappointed that most of them could no longer speak Tibetan (Farrer-Halls: 90).

There are some Tibetan monasteries that were built with collaboration with organizations and supporters in Switzerland. There has been a continuous effort of negotiation to include Buddhist (Tibetans) architecture in the Swiss setting. Korom refers to the Van Dyke’s study and implication of architecture of Tibetan monasteries in Switzerland, and argues "How does one ‘translate’ the Tibetan architectural tradition into a Swiss context, which has its own building codes and system of aesthetics?" (Korom a: 9). In its effort, the question of authenticity and modernity is debated. Although the Tibetans "have been hailed for having adapted to a point where they are earning normal wages, have their own homes, and have captured the heart of the country," (Karan: 61) their effort in preserving the Tibetan heritage has not been disappeared.

Myths of Tibet and contending images of Tibet which create our perception of "Tibet" are one of the most serious areas of study by Tibetologists and scholars of diaspora studies. According to Korom, there are two sets of images that have framed our notion of "Tibet." First predominant image is a romantic one, an image of Tibet as the fabled Shangri-La, and the second is a pejorative image of the nation, its inhabitants, and their religion(s) as somehow different and inferior, even repugnant (Korom a : 1). Our notion of Tibet is constructed on these coexisting images of Tibet, and the process of "constructing" and "constructed" has added dynamics to the studies of Tibet’s past, present and the future. In this section, I argue that there are two colliding forces in image makings. First is self-imagination of Tibet, that is Tibetan’s conscious and unconscious self-representation which has constructed our perception of Tibet. Second is the "new-age" (Baumann: 383, Korom. b) phenomenon of romantacization processes by the Westerners that at first, has homogenized Tibetans’ cultural and religious practices and, second called empathy for disappearing Tibetan culture. In addition, I will introduce the recent dialectic process of deconstruction and reconstruction of images through translation and flow of information.

Image making and dragging of "Tibet" and "Tibetans" come from Tibet’s geographical fantasy, religious essence, simplicity of life, and compassion. Moreover, these images connect the "good Old Tibet" with the "imagined Tibetan nation," and empower their hope of returning homeland. Safran writes, "the myth of return serves to solidify ethnic consciousness and solidarity" (Safran: 96). Furthermore, it is important to consider that with the strong faith in the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan diaspora consciousness is even more persistent and compelling. It seems that for Tibetans, the role of the Dalai Lama is crucial because the teaching of Tibetan Buddhism has an ability to motivate the population and it contributes to build a stronger Tibetan diaspora consciousness.

Their persistent optimism in the diasporic community has been drawn from their beautified memories from the past. Now the diaspora consciousness met with the religious tradition and the faith in the Dalai Lama, the living Buddha. As a result, the powerful diaspora consciousness contributes to the industrious attitude of Tibetan peoples in the diaspora. Some of the success stories of Tibetans in diaspora come from their "can do" attitude, that is partly their faith in the Dalai Lama, Buddhist tradition, old memories and largely the homeland myth.

Recent fascination in orientalism in the West has become the grounding support for Tibetans in Tibet and in the Tibetan diaspora. An increasing number of Westerners are searching a meaning of their life from the East. People have been drawing a parallel between Eastern wisdom and Western life. The encounter of Tibetans and the Westerners was timely. Westerners' desire for love and peace, with the empathy toward the displaced Tibetans, gradually come together after the world wars, and is still growing.

Many Tibetans have been able to tell their story of hardship and despair in the outside world since they left their homeland in 1959. It is also important to note that the Chinese was turning itself to a socialistic nation at that time, and for the United States China was another evil empire. Tibetans’ story was the cause of considerable loss of face for Chinese and embarrassment to the world (Mullin: 8). For Chinese, whose interest in Tibet is largely an effort to unite all Chines population and create a Chinese nation, that is partly a reaction to foreign imperialism, "nothing makes them angrier and more stubborn than the sight of the Dalai Lama and other exiled leaders seeking—and—winning support in America and elsewhere " (Hessler: 63). In reality, despite the Chinese will, Tibetans are increasingly gaining support from the United States and other Western nations.

Venturino writes that "many well-intentioned non-Tibetans, especially in the West, tend to think of Tibet’s cultural survival in terms of a strict preservation of an ancient, mysterious—and idealized—way of life." (Venturino 1995: 155). Our pervasive perception of the timeless Tibetan people and culture has prevailed over the actual characteristics of Tibetans in the diaspora, even after the Tibetan Buddhism grounded its root in the United States in the 1970s (Vine: 100). The attention to the Tibetans has been remarkable that the Tibetans in diaspora have been able to utilize its popularity and political power to engage in dialog with the wider public. Now the consequence is that the Tibetans are in the "marketplace of culture" (Korom 1997: 7), and their essentialized identity (as result of the contact with the West) is in challenge.

Rewriting, retelling and reinterpretation of Tibetan story and experience gives Tibetans wider opportunity for the discussion of Tibetan diaspora to flourish. Venturino engages in the very interesting project of translating non-Tibetan literary works into Tibetan language and context. He argues that;

As the Tibetan diaspora expands in geography and population, Tibetans identity has been connected to the transnational characteristics. Tibetans in diaspora do not necessarily draw their deepest cultural and historical roots from the land which they have settled in. Therefore, their place of physical existence and the spiritual home do not coincide. In turn, they have build their identity on multiple stories and experiences of border crossings, which we sometimes refer to the "truly global citizen" of the post-modern era.

The multiplicity of the stories about Tibetan people and their legacies, as they have been made possible through publication of books, media and support from various organizations and institutions, constructs a holistic story of Tibet and Tibetan people. In other words, the wider and the deeper the scope of our vision is, the more multiplicity (meaning both contending and conforming views on the negotiation table) we have in telling stories. For example, when we try to understand a certain issue, it is better to look at various viewpoints in order to attain a full picture of the issue. My personal experience also is that by studying the Japanese history of World War II era from a variety of sources, I have gained a holistic picture of Japanese position in World War II.

Of course, there will be positive and negative effects on the Tibetans in diaspora as we pursue dialectical approach on the problems of Tibet. The current phenomenon is that as Western advocates actively promote "Free Tibet" and Tibet’s independence and treat the question of Tibetan simply as a political matter, Tibetans take on the argument of independence of their nation. Moreover, it contributes to the emphasis of their goal as a political independence of Tibet and regaining their homeland from the Chinese. Furthermore, optimism that emerges from the successful government system of the Tibetan Government-in-Exile is so powerful that we are able to argue, Tibet is a politically able to county which can gain an independent status from China.

Now the story traveled from Tibet to the Tibetan diaspora, transmitted through human rights advocates, and retold in Tibetan communities in the world. Taking all the possible accounts on the question of Tibet, Tibetans are able to form arguments that transcend ideas and visions that had circulated around the world. By arguing that Tibet once was an independent nation, they are able to tell their story, in their words, and convince outside world that Tibetans deserve an attainment of political, social and cultural safe ground, specifically "the homeland."

However, challenges remain. It is evident that the Tibetan cultures go unchanged. Tibetans are aware of the impact of the West and the dialogs that have been actively taking place. Especially those Tibetans who have settled in the United States, Switzerland and Canada have realized that the influences are enormous and cannot be ignored. Boyarinand Boyarin asserts that "diasporic cultural identity teaches us that cultures are not preserved by being protected from "mixing" but probably can only continue to exist as a product of such mixing. Cultures, as well as identities, are constantly being remade." (Boyarinand Boyarin in Clifford: 270). What is needed, therefore, is a reconstruction of Tibetan culture through careful accommodation of cultural capitals, educational development, and economic opportunities. Their task is to consider what is necessary to ensure survival of Tibetan culture in the modern world (Hicks: 94).

In addition, the existence of Tibetan diaspora communities around the world challenges the notion of "authentic" Tibetan cultural and religious heritages, and the issue of constructing and constructed images from both inside and outside the diaspora. Tibetans now have interests and means in promoting their culture in the world. Or, Tibetans have to meet the Western expectations and to be able to provide them with enough Tibetan culture and religious practices. There is a concern for, as essentialists might argue, destruction of "true" Tibetan culture. However, on the other hand, this might be a great opportunity for Tibetans to pursue secure political ground. This is, of course, not arguable in dichotomy. However, this is a big choice and a challenge of Tibet’s future.

Probably the biggest concern for the survival of Tibet for both Tibetans in Tibet and in the diaspora is the issue of reincarnation of Dalai Lama. The 14^th Dalai Lama said during his interview with Farrer-Halls that:

Another source is an interview conducted by Aaron Dhir with Eva Herzer, the president of the International Committee of Lawyers for Tibet indicated that "in all likelihood the Tibetans will find their new Dalai Lama, possibly in exile." (Dhir).

What really interests me is that this is a political confrontation between the Chinese government and the Tibetans. Currently, the 9-year-old 11^th Tibetan Panchen Lama is held in prison in China. The implication of this act is that by holding the Panchen Lama, who is the second highest religious leader of the Tibetan people, Chinese have some semblance of legitimacy in controlling the Dalai Lama and the future of Tibet (Dhir).

As the Dalai Lama expresses, "the whole Tibetan issue very much relies on one person." (Farrer-Halls: 101). It is an extremely important issue for the Tibetans in the future generation. Using any means, Tibetans have to chose Dalai Lama to be able to sustain their cultural and religious heritage. However, the question is, where in diaspora do they look for Dalai Lama? And, how feasible is it to find Dalai Lama when there are more heterogeneous social and cultural characteristics in the diaspora? Moreover, would Tibetans be persuaded by the possibility of looking for Dalai Lama in non-Tibetans people?

As internationalism, multiculturalism and post-nationalism continue to triumph in the era of globalization, we neglected the richness of domestic issues. Instead of dedicating one’s life to a community in which we live, we are encouraged to become an "international" citizen, who can look beyond their own cultural and political borders. However, there is a discrepancy in our practice and the assumption of becoming a truly international citizen. Appadurai posits that "neither popular nor academic thought in this country has come to terms with the difference between being a land of immigrants and being one node in a postnational network of diasporas." (Appadurai: 171).

Studies of diaspora and diasporic community do not complete unless we look at both "domestic" and "international" issues. Throughout this semester, I was interested in finding out how one becomes a "Tibetan in homeland" to a "Tibetan in abroad," or more specifically, a "Tibetan in Tibet" to a "Tibetan in the United States" to a "Tibetan American" to an "American from Tibet." By simply categorizing or designating an identity of our own judgement, we eliminate the multiplicity of identity that people on the move hold. We have to stretch our notion of culture, authenticity and nationhood to fully understand the diasporic characteristics. Through multiple negotiations and dialogues, we are able advance our understanding of diaspora and the people in diasporic community.