Running from the Inevitable

The Cuban diaspora

In order for an individual to fully understand how Cuban migrations have developed over the nineteenth and twentieth century, it is pivotal that she or he understands the small island nation's history. It is not a hidden fact that history has played a role and even shaped what has become a Cuban diaspora. Perhaps a following brief interpretation of history will allow the reader to develop a foundation that throughout the text can be used as a reference point.

The history overview will conveniently begin during the late 1860's which is directly related to the beginning of the more potent Cuban migrations. During the nineteenth century Cuba witnessed the greater half of Latin America achieve its independence either through violent uprisings or through peaceful means. It wasn't long before Cuba itself felt the inevitable desire to also achieve independence through any means possible. The struggle finally erupted in October of 1868 when native Cubans decided to rid the country of the ruling Spaniards. It would take a lengthy three decades before Cuba would declare an independence that would invite another outsider to meddle in its business. Soon after its hard fought independence, Cuba would be occupied by the United States for four years. Through this lengthy occupation came the birth of the infamous Platt Amendment, which gave the United States the right to intervene in Cuba. This U.S. Amendment would undoubtedly question the legitimacy of the Cuban independence, as it saw numerous interventions of troops and advisors in Cuban affairs. During the years the Platt Amendment was in effect, Cuba continued to experience instability. During the application of this Amendment Cuba endured the rise and fall of the notorious dictator Gerardo Machado. After the fall of Gerardo Machado and the termination of the Platt Amendment, a new reckless and power hungry dictator was brought to the fore front. Fulgencio Batista would initially partake in the electoral process until he perceived it to be damaging to his political career, and decided to go a more authoritarian route. After succeeding in a government coup, Fulgencio Batista became the ruler in 1952. The dictator was well aware of his power and never intended to return to democratic elections

During the Batista years grew another man who felt compelled to bring change to his country, whom he viewed as suffering. Fidel Castro and other young rebels were able realize their dream after successfully overthrowing the corrupt dictatorship in 1959. The success of what became known as the 26th of July Movement, would lead to many changes for Cuba. The revolution would eventually lead to a breakdown in relations with the United States, and a new friendship established with the former Soviet Union. The United States would indeed retaliate against the newly established government by creating an embargo in 1961. The betrayal the United States felt by the Castro regime, would also propel it to give a half hearted support to a group of counterrevolutionaries, who were desperate to regain control of the island. This would result in the ill fated Bay of Pigs invasion of 1961, which brought embarrassment to the United States and the Cuban exile community. On the other hand, the Bay of Pigs would do wonders to solidify the Castro government in Cuba. Controversy continued to surround the island in 1962, as the Missile Crisis would bring head to head both great powers of the cold war. This confrontation developed on the attempt by the Soviet Union to set up nuclear missile bases on Cuban soil. Fortunately war was avoided by the thinnest of margins, and a quick founded momentary resolution was negotiated. In 1965, the Cuban Communist Party was formed. Throughout the following decades, relations between Cuba and the United States would continue to be tense. The nineties brought a difficult period for Cuba, as it experienced the consequences of the collapse of the Soviet Union. Many adjustments had to be made by the regime to continue surviving in a world were with no Soviet aid.

Now that we have quickly reviewed Cuba's complicated history, we can engage in studying a more intense subject. The subject of migration, which has created strong interest among many scholars who have attempted to explain the migration process. Migration is not a modern phenomenon at all, as "migrations have been a part of human history from the earliest times"(Castles & Miller, 4). Yet, it is important to acknowledge that "international migration has grown in volume and significance"(Castles & Miller, 4). Human migration has not been restricted to one sole continent as well, as it has encompassed the world as a whole. In 1994, it was calculated by the International Organization for Migration (IOM), that there were "120 million persons"(Castles & Miller, 4), that were considered migrants. These 120 million migrants would constitute "less than 2 per cent of the world's population"(Castles & Miller, 5). Although two percent could seem relatively low in comparison to world population, one cannot ignore the presence of migration. Migration is very real almost everywhere an individual goes today. For example, in the United States, there are few places left where migrants are completely absent. One could be in a bus station in Des Moines, Iowa and run into Mexican migrant workers going North in search for work. Or simply be strolling down the streets in Miami and run into spanish speaking Cubans. It would absurd to also believe that these individuals don't have any weight in the economic and social aspects of the new societies they embrace. An example would be California, which has employed thousands of migrant workers in the agricultural industry and has also seen the rise of bilingual schools established over the years.

As mentioned previously, many scholars have attempted to explain migrations in order to better understand how they develop. In fact, many theories have been posted by scholars aiming to answer this question. Before one can interpret the Cuban diaspora it is vital to develop an understanding for a couple of migration theories that have been developed.

First, the neo-classical economic equilibrium perspective, which was one of the earliest devised theories of migration. This theory was developed by the "nineteenth century geographer Ravenstein"(Castles & Miller, 20), and the "tradition remains alive in the work of many demographers, geographers, and economists"(Castles & Miller, 20). There are a number of beliefs incorporated in this theory. For example, the "tendencies of people to move from densely to sparsely populated areas"(Castles & Miller, 20). It is evident this theory was heavily influenced by the great migrations that occurred from Europe to the new world in the earlier centuries. It seems that those who abandoned their place of birth for the new world were in search for a more wide open place and a new beginning. Another facet of this theory encourages the belief that many who migrate, go from "low to high income areas"(Castles & Miller, 20). It seems appropriate to consider that people seek better living standards, especially if what surrounds them is poverty. These approaches mentioned above constitute what is the push-pull theories. Basically, the push factors " include demographic growth, low living standards, lack of economic opportunity, and political repression(Castles & Miller, 20), and pull factors are the "demand for labour, availability of land, good economic opportunities and political freedoms"(Castles & Miller, 20).

Another theory which has developed more recently is the migration systems theory. This theory "emphasisis international relations, [the] political economy, [and] collective action and institutional factors(Castles & Miller, 23), as main factors for migration. The "migration systems theory [also] suggests that migratory movements generally arise from the existence of prior links between sending and receiving countries"(Castles & Miller, 24). Some prior links could be "based on colonisation, political influence, trade, investment or cultural ties"(Castles & Miller, 24). It is important to acknowledge that the migration systems theory "implies that any migratory movement can be seen as a result of interacting macro- and micro-structures"(Castles & Miller). Basically macro-structure refers to the "political economy of the world market, interstate relationships, and the laws, [and] structures and practices established by the states sending and receiving countries to control migration settlement"(Castles & Miller 24). On the other hand, micro-structures "are the informal networks by the migrants themselves"(Castles & Miller, 25). These informal networks that are established by migrants, "include personal relationships, family and household patterns, friendship and community ties, and mutual help in economic and social matters"(Castles & Miller, 25).

Now that we have reviewed the two theories that will be most useful to this text, we can concentrate on Cuban migration. Cuban migration has developed in such a way that many scholars have split Cuban migration waves into separate categories or phases. In order to facilitate the understanding of Cuban migration it is pivotal that this text also divide the migrations into five appropriate phases. The first phase that will be scrutinized, is one that occurred from 1868 to 1958. This phase, which will be referred to as the "first Cuban exiles", began shortly after the outbreak of the war for independence. It also continued through the early and middle twentieth century, enduring dictatorships and exterior control by the United States. The second phase occurred from 1959 to 1962, and is most often referred to as the "golden exiles". This migration was obviously a result of the Cuban revolution and it is so complex that it is put in a category of its own. The third phase which consists of 1962 to 1979, is often considered the phase of "the relatives". As the name proclaims, this phase consisted of many relatives of the golden exiles. The forth phase took place in 1980, and it is referred to as the "Mariel migration". The reason this phase develops in one year, is due to its complex nature. As this migration witnessed both family members of earlier migrants and some who were dissatisfied with the situation in Cuba. The final phase, takes place from 1980 to the present day. Basically, one can refer to these migrants as the "new arrivals". These migrants have migrated for a variety of reasons, but most strongly for a new beginning and to meet up with relatives. Every phase above was briefly introduced in order to give the audience some guidance for what is about to unfold. As one can gather, every phase has come about in a different manner and has developed in its own particular way. The Cuban migration experience appears to relate better with the migration systems theory while separating itself from the neo-classical economic equilibrium theory, however the first phase of Cuban migration is an exception.

As we had previously mentioned, phase one consisted of the first Cuban exiles and took place between 1868 and 1958. At this point, it is a good idea to become more familiar with this phase and learn how it developed. During the outbreak of the war "it was estimated that over 100,000 Cubans sought refuge abroad"(Masud-Piloto, 7). It was certain that the majority of Cubans migrated "to the United States and Europe"(Masud-Piloto, 7). Those Cubans who migrated to Europe, were mainly a "small group of aristocrats who could afford to live in leisurely"(Masud-Piloto, 8). However, those who left for Europe were an overwhelming minority, as the majority made their way to the United States. Another "group consisted of mainly middle class professionals and businessmen"(Masud-Piloto, 8), and these individuals found their way to cities like "New York, Philadelphia, and Boston"(Masud-Piloto, 8). However, the largest group of migrants strongly migrated to "the southeastern United States, most notably Florida"(Masud-Piloto, 8). Within this phase there also were many migrants that would migrate after the struggle for independence would end. For example, "during the first five decades of the twentieth century, smaller groups of Cuban migrants came to the United States"(Masud-Piloto, 11). These migrants were attempting to "escape political turbulence in Cuba"(Masud-Piloto, 11). As it was mentioned earlier, Cuba was plagued by dictators earlier in this century. Many of these newcomers found refuge in "Miami and New York"(Masud- Piloto, 11). It is important to mention that the great majority of these migrants, "migrated with the original idea of returning home as soon as conditions improved"(Masud-Piloto, 7). However, when the war ended, many were faced with the decision of either staying in this new home or actully going back. The idea of going back, "meant staring over in a war ravaged society"(Masud-Piloto, 11), and many decided to not take that risk.

It is safe to assume that the neo-classical economic equilibrium theory cannot be applied to this first phase. First of all, the push-pull factors were not present in this migration in any form. Especially those individuals who were aristocrats, middle class professional, and businessmen. Why would individuals who found themselves well off in Cuba volunteer to migrate to a another country and start over. These individuals were forced out of their homes due to the war. Like mentioned above, the majority believed that someday they would return home. It is pretty clear that these well off migrants did not have lack of economic opportunity and low living standards back in Cuba. It is possible that these migrants chose the United States and Europe because they were most familiar with these two destinations. The aristocrats could have been more familiar with Europe due to strong cultural ties with Spain or simply could have been allies of the Spanish rulers. The middle class sector of migrants perhaps most probably preferred the United States because of "geographic proximity to Cuba and its similar climate"(Masud-Piloto, 7). The fact is that many of these middle class sector migrants became great supporters of the war of independence in Cuba. Once these migrants settled in the United States, many "maintained a deep sense of political and human solidarity"(Masud-Piloto, 8). Now for the worker emigres who migrated mostly to Florida, it is possible to think that the theory can apply more to their migration. However, there is no proof of thousands of migrants leaving Cuba before 1868, which signifies that although of the poorer sector they were not impoverished. Basically, the economy seems to play a very small role even for the lower sectors, as it seems that the majority were motivated to leave because of the war. Once again one might perceive that proximity and even climate played a role for these individuals who also left Cuba believing they would return.

It appears that the competing theory of Migration systems theory, also fails to explain the first phase of Cuban migration. This first phase proves to be the exception, as the rest can better relate to this theory. It is safe to assume that prior links between the United States and Cuba were relatively small. There had been no American colonisation at this point and cultural ties were absent. One could not assume that for the first exiles there had been informal networks established by previous migrants drawing more Cubans to the United States. Once again this phase points at Cubans leaving war behind as their strongest reason for abandoning their home. In the case of the United States proximity might have played the largest role as Cubans could feel somewhat close to home, and return once war ended

Now we encounter phase two which lasted from "early 1959 to October 1962"(Soruco, 6). These years would bring "165,000 Cubans to the United States"(Soruco, 6). This group of migrants was "composed mainly of lawyers, judges, physicians, engineers, managers, and clerks"(Soruco, 6). Over time scholars would come to refer to them as the golden exiles. The most popular destination chosen by these migrants was overwhelmingly south Florida. In Florida their already existed a Cuban foundation, so it made it easier for many to migrate.

This time let us begin with why this phase runs more smoothly with the migration systems theory than the previous. First of all, like mentioned above, these migrants came to Florida knowing their would be other Cubans. Perhaps the existing number of Cubans wasn't tremendous, but a community was present. Once many migrants arrived in Florida, they were greeted by "generosity by the host population, some of which was Cuban or of Cuban ancestry"(Soruco, 7). In other words the "Welcome mat was extended"(Soruco, 7), in order to better help these newcomers to fit in and succeed. These informal networks which included personal relationships, friendship and community ties, and aid in economic and social matters, helped these new migrants assimilate into the community. During my case studies, two Cuban individuals confessed to having been aided in order for them to start their businesses in the Miami area. They received both economic aid and advisement before establishing their business. Of course not all were as lucky to begin new businesses, some were simply aided by having the presence of a community and not feeling completely lost in a new country.

Perhaps we should not ignore that the United States had incredible influence on Cuba through political means and economics. As viewed earlier in the history section, the Platt Amendment allowed the United States to be greatly involved in Cuban affairs. This gave the United States power over any important decision making in Cuba, making American influence inevitable. American investment was high and Cuba was beginning to look like America's playground. As even the worst elements in the United States were reaping the Cuban economy. This relationship that Cuba developed with the United States during the twentieth century dictatorships was enough to also help many migrate to the United States. It is important to remember that many of these exiles running from the Cuban revolution also planned on returning like the exiles in phase one

Another important reality to focus on is how the United States made America accessible to these new exiles. The fact of the matter is that there were no humanitarian concerns, although Eisenhower's administration would of liked people to believe. The United States was too concerned about "embarrassing the Cuban government"(2Masud-Piloto, 33), and eventually maybe the "overthrow [of] the revolution with exile forces"(2Masud-Piloto, 33). So this triggered the United States to establish an open door policy for Cuban exiles. The United States would set up "an unprecedented program of allowing private individuals to issue visa waivers to Cubans on the Island"(Torres, 212). Even "underground organizations were given authority to to issue visa waivers to their members"(Torres, 212). Over "600,000 visa waivers were issued from 1960 to 1962"(Torres, 212). Many programs were set up in order to bring facilitated paths to exiles who were escaping Castro's regime. One such program was the Cuban Children's Program, which was a "scheme to rescue Cuban children supposedly escaping Communist indoctrination"(2Masud-Piloto, 39). The Cuban Children's Program was initiated when "wild rumors [were] circulating in Cuba and the exile community in Miami about Castro's revolutionary programs"(2Masud-Piloto, 39). These crazy allegations would eventually bring more than "14,000 unaccompanied Cuban children"(Torres, 212), into the United States.

This phase also proves to be incompatible with the neo-classical economic equilibrium theory. Once again those who were pushed out left to avoid an unpredictable government that had now taken power. Could one say that these migrants would had low living standards, if they were not around long enough to see the revolution take full effect. These exiles were looking for a temporary home and chose the United States for the social networks previously developed, and the aid given by the United States. It is hard to believe that Cubans in this phase were foucusing solely on economic prosperity when migrating to the United States. Migration occurred due to fear of the unexpected and the unpredictability of the new rebel government.

We should now examine phase three which covers the years from 1962 to 1979, and mainly consisted of the relatives. Many of these migrants "settled in the Miami area"(Soruco, 7), while others "went to New Jersey, Chicago, New Orleans, and Tampa"(Soruco, 7). This migration was very different from both earlier migrations, as "women and youngsters outnumbered men"(Soruco, 8). Many afraid of either having their children indoctrinated or simply an unknown fate, decided to depart. The migrants in this category had a "level of education [which] was lower than that of the golden exiles"(Soruco, 8). Many of the new exiles were "artisans, clerks, shopkeepers, mechanics, fishermen, and farmers"(Soruco, 8). Between the years of 1963 and March 1972, "almost half a million refugees arrived in the United States"(Soruco, 8). From 1972 to 1979, the number of refugees coming in "dropped dramitically"(Soruco, 8).

In the case of phase three, the migration systems theory can be applied somewhat successfully. Once again we need to return to acknowledging informal social networks as a main factor for the migrants entrance into the United States. By this third phase, a very srong and well recognized community existed in various cities in southern Florida. It is also important to realize that many of the migrants are relatives of those who already were living in the United States. Various people interviewed for my case studies admitted that it was family that they were seeking to reunite with in the United States. In a particular case study, a woman confessed that she came with help of her husband and father who already lived in the Miami area. The community ties established by these earlier migrants helped facilitate and pave the way for these next generations of migrants, who no longer came into a very foreign atmosphere.

Another very important factor that the migration systems theory touches on, is that of the attitude of both the sending and receiving countries. The Castro government eventually gave permission to these migrants to leave Cuba, and the United States continued the mission to defeat communism. This American mission to win the cold war led to continued easing of the immiration laws for Cubans. Various programs were created to help Cubans emigrate and succeed in the United States. One important program was that of the resettlement program. This program "helped relocate many of the new arrivals to other areas of the United State"(Soruco, 9). This program was "carried out by private organizations whose costs were reimbursed by the federal government"(Soruco, 8). This program "resettled some 135,000 exiles"(Soruco, 9), and "as a result Cuban families could be found in every state of the union"(Soruco, 9). On a more familiar note, a person in my case study explained how the United States offered her better benefits and aid if she were to leave southern Flroida, and move to California. Like my case study, many Cubans chose to stay outside Florida, however some Cuban exiles did return even after they were resettled outside the state of Florida. This program was aimed to continue helping Cubans prosper and simultaneously to continue fighting communism.

The neo-classical economic equilibrium theory once again fails to explain this phase as well. This phase consisted of many relatives of the earlier migrants like mentioned previously. Perhaps the natural desire for these migrants in to be reunited with their family and to be in a community were there are already existing Cubans. It is also crucial to mention that even if lack of economic opportunity existed, it doesn't necessarily signify that their were low living standards. Perhaps from a Western perspective it was viewed as low living standards, however Cuba was in no way experiencing the hardships that other Latin American countries were enduring. Cuba was able to defeat starvation, provide medical care, and educate its citizens.

The Mariel migration develops as the forth phase, and this migration "was controversial and less orderly"(Soruco, 9). About "125,00 Cubans used the Cuban port of Mariel to leave the island"(Soruco, 9). These migrants "most closely represented the island's native population"(Soruco, 9), and many "worked in urban manufacturing and construction"(Soruco, 9). These migrants "were younger and had a greater percentage of blacks and mulattoes"(Soruco, 9). Another unfortunate facet of this migration was that some individuals were "career criminals and sociopaths"(Soruco, 9). These newcomers would change the image of the Cuban community and add to its complexity.

It is clear how the migration systems theory can also be applied to this migration. Once again informal social networks contributed highly in this migration. When migrants would visit Cuba, they would gloat and boast about how wonderful America was. The fact that many who returned would flower people with gifts and presents, also helped prove their successes abroad. In one particular case study, a man expressed how an uncle advised him that if he moved to the United States he would be a millionaire. That has far from been the case, as now he finds himself alone and without his wife or children. However, his migration was triggered by what appeared to be a paradise up north.

The migration systems theory does fall short in explaining the coming of those who came "to escape political persecution"(Masud-Piloto, 93). In this area Cuba reflected the plight of many who live elsewhere in Latin America who truly are suffering and need to leave their homeland. It seems that many Cubans left Cuba just to try their "luck in the land of opportunity"(Masud-Piloto, 93). This in essence would be more economically driven which would better correspond with the neo-classical economic equilibrium theory. These migrants were dissatisfied with what they perceived as low living standards and were hoping to strike it rich in America. Of course the fact that their is demand for labor and good economic opportunities could have also inspired those who were risk takers to abandon everything in Cuba and migrate. Still, it is hard to believe that economics carried more weight than the security of having a Cuban Community already established in the United States. If economics were the sole reason of migration, the majority of migrants would seek to migrate to other prosperous areas of the world as much.

Within phase four, there is a facet that must be examined in an isolated and different platform. The truth of the matter is that the Mariel migration was initiated by the gate crashing of the Peruvian embassy in Havana by a busload of Cubans in "April 1, 1980"(Masud-Piloto, 78). This gate crashing and the refusal by the Peruvian government to hand over offenders, triggered an angry response by Fidel that would allow thousands to emigrate. However, not all Cubans were able to migrate north, as some Cubans were given political asylum and were given permission to go to Peru. It was evident that these Cubans did not want Peru to be their final destination, as the original goal was the United States. Yet, this goal was not able to be accomplished by many as they still reside in Peru. In fact they have become like "a lost tribe"(Johnson, 1013), and "most live in squalor, still dreaming of escape"(Johnson, 1013). Today, Cubans in Peru live in impoverished compounds in a shantytown of Lima and are worse off than in Cuba.

The situation that the Cuban exiles in Peru have encountered is also an exception to the others. They have always viewed Peru as "a way station to the United States"(Johnson 1013), and never believed they would actually stay in Peru. Both theories are unable to explain such a situation as this is an isolated case. The truth of the matter is that Peru is worse off economically than Cuba, and the poor in Peru struggle even harder than in Cuba. The exiles attempted to avoid communism, yet they witnessed first hand how life in other Latin American countries is at times more challenging than in Cuba. Before their arrival in Peru, there had been no Cuban communities in this country. There were no existing prior links that resembled colonisation nor political influence. In fact, Peru might have allowed the Cubans to migrate, in order to embarrass the Marxist guerrilla groups functioning within its own borders. This could have been an attempt by the Peruvian government to discredit any form of socialism taking form in Peru. Although social programs were developed by the Peruvian government in order to aid these Cuban exiles, they were nothing like the programs the United States was offering Cubans. The aid offered in Peru was scarce, and life for the Cubans has been miserable. Today many Cubans wish to return to Cuba, however they find themselves locked up in poverty.

Phase five developed after the Mariel migration ended, and continues onto recent day. After the Mariel experince, Cubans lost special status in the United States completely. It was evident that the last wave of migration traumatized America, and pushed harder laws on Cuban migrants. As the preferential treatment ended, Cubans who migrated now were considered illegal immigrants who were unwanted. For the first time since 1959, Cubans were treated like other Latin Americans who desired to migrate to the U.S. The Clinton administration "announced on August 19 [of 1994] that Cubans would no longer be allowed to enter United States territory"(Masud-Piloto, 139). Any would be migrants picked up on rafts in the Florida Straits would be picked up and taken to Guantanamo Bay military base. This would basically signify the death of an open door policy that lasted more than three decades. These regulations were set by the Clinton administration because of heavy migration that was occurring. For example, from August 13 to 25, in 1994 " the U.S. Coast Guard rescued 13,084 rafters"(Masud-Piloto, 139). Overall, in August "the total number of rescues was 21,300"(Masud-Piloto, 139). This overwhelming amount of would be migrants scared The United States into thinking another Mariel would occur.

This phase can be absobed appropriately into the migration systems theory. Cubans still desire to leave Cuba for family reunification purposes. Which once again points at strong ties that serve as a magnet to draw more newcomers. The fact is that the informal social networks have worked as smoothly in this phase as in others previously. Through the grape vine it is heard that Cubans are a successful community in many areas of Florida and other parts of America. Even though American immigration policies toward Cubans have changed dramatically in the recent years, it still hasn't sank in. Cubans continue to flock to the United States believing that they are welcome. Unfortunately the Florida Straits are starting to resemble a sea of blood as many rafters are dieing at sea. Today the Cuban government and the American government have made many steps at working together to solve the problem of immigration. In fact it was "U.S.-Cuban collaboration that gradually ended the exodus"(Masud-Piloto, 141), that occurred in 1994. It was Cuba who eventually made the "promise to continue its policy of peacefully dissuading potential migrants from taking to sea on unsafe vessels"(Masud-Piloto, 142). On the other hand, the United States "agreed to accept 20,000 Cuban immigrants each year"(Masud-Piloto, 142), in order to regain control of how many migrants were coming in yearly.

The neo-classical economic equilibrium theory once again falls short, as its intense focus on economics overlooks what was mentioned above. In no way can one deny that Cubans were perhaps intending to better their economic situation by migrating north to the U.S. However, in the Cuban scenario it it goes deeper than simply economics. If it was only economical concerns, Cubans would be scattered all over the nation proportionately, and this is not the case. The majority of Cubans choose to stay in southern Florida in order to be in a Cuban environment.

The Cuban diaspora has proven to be very complex and even difficult to place when dissecting it into five separate phases. This document attempted and hopefully proved that the migration systems theory is perhaps a theory that can most successfully be used to explain this Cuban diaspora. There is no question that it falls short in some categories and that Cuba would probably need a theory that would apply strictly to its effort. However, if this were the case, every diasporic group would have their own theory applied to explain there situation.

It is interesting to think how many more poor souls will engage in the 90 mile journey, in order to reach American soil. Is it possible that the United States will once again ease restrictions for Cubans, most likely not. The cold war is over, and the United States has become occupied with other issues today. Now the American attitude reflects its true feelings on how concerned it is with Latin American migrants. The future looks gloomy for those who will attempt the inevitable journey to the United States in the near future.