Features Jkt Post
September 03, 2000
Much-maligned Kwik finally answering his critics
By Bruce Emond
JAKARTA (JP): It is clear that former coordinating minister for
economics, trade and industry Kwik Kian Gie wants to set the record
straight.
Three weeks after tendering his resignation, Kwik has come out with all
guns firing in what he terms a "counter-defense". While former ministers
often choose to quietly fade into the background, he is talking openly
about his tumultuous 10-month Cabinet experience.
Now 65 and planning to return to the legislature, Kwik studied economics
at the Nederlandsche Economische Hogeschool in Rotterdam and spent most of
the 1960s living and working in the Netherlands. He returned to Indonesia
in 1970 and worked in different business fields, including plantation
management.
Kwik said his great interest was always politics; throughout the 1980s he
sold off his interests in his business enterprises. In 1987 became an
active member of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI). He also cofounded a
business school, STIE IBII, which continues to this day.
His business experience and loyalty to party chairwoman Megawati
Soekarnoputri throughout her persecution under the New Order regime led to
his appointment to the first Cabinet of President Abdurrahman Wahid last
October. Although he chooses to play down his ethnicity, the honor was also
notable because he was only the second Chinese-Indonesian Cabinet member
since the late 1950s.
It is apparent that he was stung by the barrage of criticism, including
questions about his competence, which he endured during his months in
office. As the interview came to a close, Kwik handed over a copy of his
diploma from the Hogeschool, outlining the different areas of economics he
studied. He comes across as a hurt but not broken man, someone whose pride
is most definitely on the line.
Here is an excerpt of an interview last Tuesday at his office in Tanah
Abang, Central Jakarta.
Question: Before you went into politics, you made the decision to
relinquish your business interests -- why?
Answer: Because I really did not like business. Maybe I can explain a
little. From the outset, I was really interested in the world of politics,
from the time I was a university student in the Netherlands when I headed
the Indonesian students association there. And when I went to Europe I
didn't intend to study economics; I actually was set to study political
science at the London School of Economic and Political Science.
But on my way to London, I stopped in Rotterdam where my older brother was
studying economics. That was in 1956. A few days after I arrived, my
brother fell sick, went into the hospital and died nine months later.
Because he was alone and I happened to be there in Rotterdam, I took care
of him, visiting the hospital every day, and I decided to stay in Rotterdam
and study economics. It was mainly because my brother asked me why I wanted
to study politics and told me there was no need to study politics if I
wanted to go into the field ... he pointed out that there were a lot of
leaders who were from economic backgrounds, like Harold Wilson in England
... he told me that the role of politicians was to improve the welfare of
the people...
But when I came back from the Netherlands in 1970, I realized that it was
not the right time to go into politics, it was such a chaotic time under
the domination of Soeharto who would not give a chance for real politicians
... But in 1987, even though it was still the era of Soeharto, I thought
what else am I waiting for. I decided to enter PDI, which at the time was
the smallest political party ...
Yet at that time it was very unusual for Chinese-Indonesians to be in
politics. Did you face discrimination?
I've never had that feeling, perhaps because it was a continuous process.
Like when I was a student and picked to head the Indonesian students
association; there were a lot of members and many of them were pribumi
(native Indonesians). And when I came back here in 1970, I never felt any
discrimination directed at me. What I mean is that many people talk about
it, and many say it is so, but I never felt discriminated against.
I have a very different opinion. When ethnic Chinese who have changed
their names are asked to write their old Chinese names, they feel offended
and discriminated against. I don't understand why they must feel offended
if they are asked that; the reality is that they are of Chinese descent,
they do have Chinese names.
Or when they have to process something, and they are asked for money, and
they think it is because they are ethnic Chinese. I don't believe it is so;
I have many pribumi friends who face the same thing. So when they're asked
for money, it's not because their Chinese, but because the whole system is
corrupt, where power is used for the ultimate goal of seeking money ...
What is more striking, more apparent, is that if the ethnic Chinese really
are discriminated against, how can you explain that the ethnic Chinese are
so rich?
Some would argue that it's only possible through collusion.
Yes, but collusion means that they don't hate Chinese. If they hated the
Chinese, why not practice collusion with other native Indonesians? ... When
I entered the party in 1987, I was entrusted to take part in the campaign,
and I gave speeches before the crowds, with the vast majority of them and
the other people taking part in the campaign pribumi. And it was clear then
that there was no discrimination ...
Could it be said that you had your own conglomerate before you sold off
your businesses?
Oh no, not at all ... I wrote a book, which is a compilation of articles
of mine about dreaming about being a tycoon ... and in that book it's clear
that I am not out to get businesses, businesspeople. But what I am opposed
to are dirty practices, dishonest practices by businesspeople who are bold
enough to break the law in a country where the law does not function. Then
they become large and very rich and they have a conglomerate.
For me, a conglomerate is a person or a group which has a lot of
businesses. In Indonesia, "conglomerate" has the connotation of a big
company, a giant company. Actually, it's a group or family with a lot of
firms. I explain that clearly in my book. Because of that, and because it
was well-known, I have recently come to distinguish between "white"
conglomerates and "black" conglomerates, by which I mean those who are
corrupt. I am not out to get the white conglomerates, only the black ones
because of their really dirty practices ...
But are they the rule, not the exception, or the exception, not the
rule?
They are the exception to the rule. That's why in the book, I talked
about their practices of deceit... and it's clear in there that I didn't
make any type of generalization. This is very important, because the bad
conglomerates, the ones who felt threatened and disturbed by me, launched a
counterattack. And one part of that counterattack was to portray me as
someone who was antibusiness, which is untrue. And the evidence is in my
writings from 1989 on ... But despite all that, despite the fact that it's
all clear, in my books, in my articles, these tycoons -- one of the most
vocal ones is Sofyan Wanandi, but there are many -- say that Kwik is
antibusiness, anti this, etc.
It was a deliberate campaign and it became serious when PDI Perjuangan won
the most votes in the elections, and the sense was that if Megawati became
president, I would have an active role in the government. And they became
very scared ... Of course, they could not rattle Megawati, but they kept on
at Gus Dur for months before his election, telling him not to even think of
putting me in the Cabinet: 'he is antibusiness, unfriendly to the
market, all of his businesses went bankrupt' ... But when Gus Dur believes
in someone, it cannot be shaken ... The attack continued until I left the
Cabinet -- that I failed, that the economic team was weak, that I had no
thinking whatsoever, that nobody understood in what direction I was going.
And the campaign was extraordinary, and was in the newspapers, and
eventually made it to foreign newspapers ...
It was such an immense campaign that it ultimately reached Gus Dur, that
I was weak, that I was not up to the job of being a minister, that I had
done nothing prestigious. Maybe that entered into his thinking, maybe not
... Apart from the steambath issue (his office was besieged by protesters
after reports he owned a share in a steambath, but Kwik said he sold his
share in 1982), there's a smear campaign against my competency, that I
didn't have a sense of urgency, that I didn't have a sense of crisis, that
I was hopeless at teamwork, all those things which continue up to now. But
all of it is contradicted by the reality because I can show the facts that
I was successful during those 10 months. So what do you want? ...
You seem a proud man. It must have been hard for you to keep silent during
all the criticism.
Oh, I suffered a lot during those months, but now I must come back to the
way I really am ...
Do you have any regrets -- about taking the position, anything you did as
minister, about being quiet?
No, not at all. I regret being quiet, but it was only for a few months,
and now I am back ...
You acknowledge that you have made a lot of enemies. Were you ever
threatened?
Once I was invited to breakfast and the person said to me, "You know,
someone could pay someone to have you killed". But I thought, well, I have
millions of people behind me, supporting me. They could try to do that but
then see what happens.
In a different time, would you ever want to be a minister again?
Yes, if the situation was different. If sometime Gus Dur died or
something and Megawati became president, and if she wanted me to, then I
would have to because we have been through so much together, such difficult
times, 27 July (the takeover of PDI headquarters), there was nobody who
wanted to know us ... you never know.
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